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Ugandan Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP)

Ugandan Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). A social analysis of the current Ugandan poverty reduction strategy paper (PRSP), known as the poverty eradication action plan (PEAP, 2004/5-2007/8) Introduction Uganda, with the help of a number of international organisations, has created a poverty reduction plan known as the PEAP. This project began in 1995, but came intro fruition around 1997. The goal of the PEAP is to reduce poverty from 44% in 1997 to 10% in 2017 (World Bank Group, 2008). This policy was created in order for Uganda to be eligible for financial aid from the World Bank and IMF under the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative (Gariyo, 2001, p. 2). The aim of this essay is to critically examine the recent progress of the PEAP from the relevant documents. This includes examining the PEAP itself from 2004/5-2007/8 as well as look at the poverty assessment projects that have been taking place. The three main issues in this subject are how the plan deals with the concept of poverty, how the poverty assessments are reflected in the PEAP, and the way in which the PEAP has addressed gender issues amongst the poor in Uganda. The objective is to provide a critical analysis of the current situation within Uganda with regards to PEAP, and how effective this plan has been at reducing poverty. Concept of Poverty in the PEAP The concept of poverty within the PEAP has changed since its initial introduction. The original drafts of the plan were focused upon state-led rural development. The plan was then revised and it was decided to concentrate more on social issues. The PEAP plan looks at poverty as primarily being about the issues of economic development, business competitiveness and market growth (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005, p. 16). The main measures of poverty within the PEAP are household expenditure and income, and when this falls below a certain level a person or family is considered poor. This poverty line is quite simplistic, but also absolute, as it represents the level needed to secure basic food and other needs. The gap between incomes is also measured to look at inequality within society (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005, p. 38). The poor in Uganda are also identified as those who have problems of regional inequality, with those in the North and rural areas being worse off than those in the Central and urban areas. The study also identified that female-head households of widowed or absent husband families are poorer. The issue is whether or not this definition of poverty is accurate or correct for the region, as this will obviously affect the success of the policies. Targeting the wrong groups of people or introducing measures that do not really address the issues of poverty in Uganda will not reduce real poverty. There are those that argue just taking into account consumption and income is not enough to determine poverty and that basic needs and rights need to be taken into account (Kingdon and Knight, 2004, pp. 1-3). However, the situation in Uganda means that the issue of consumption equates to the provision of basic needs. There is a definite cut off between consumption and being able to afford basic food and other amenities. In this case, the measure of income and consumption is adequate. However, the factor that is not taken into account as much within the PEAP seems to security. This is often more of a subjective view than something that can be identified with quantitative data. The security of people within society and their feelings about their situations are crucial to their ability to move out of poverty and improve their lives. The problem with the PEAP view of poverty is that it is perhaps too narrow with regards to the full view of poverty. Whilst it includes issues of consumption and income and indeed social functionality, it leaves out some of the elements of security. It could be argued that the appeal to empowerment for women and other people is to do with feelings and security, but perhaps it is not enough (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005, p. 55). The results of the study seem to suggest as such. Whilst economic growth has improved and poverty head count has been reduced since 1997, the factors of inequality have risen since 2003. In the North the affects of the PEAP policy have been limited because of a lack of security regarding land and the ability for people to move into new industries easily. Therefore, it can be said that whilst the income and consumption indicators of poverty have improved, it is not certain whether this has actually alleviated poverty because the issues of security and the opinions of the poor seemingly have not been taken into account fully. However, more about this will be discussed in the next section – looking at how the poverty analysis is involved within the PEAP. The analysis PPA will be crucial as to whether or not the lack of emphasis on well-being has altered the effectiveness of the PEAP. There is some evidence however to support this less complex and subjective analysis of the status of poverty in Uganda. McGee (2004, pp. 517-521) showed that contradictions and arguments with regards to what is exactly happening to poverty in Uganda is unhelpful. Instead, a less oppositional approach is better, with a focus on the income and consumption of those in Uganda. This may not be the most accurate measure of poverty, but it is an effective and productive way to produce policies that will have a positive impact on the economy and therefore alleviate poverty. However, poverty assessments carried out as part of the World Bank strategy have shown that many of these assessments, including those of Uganda, put too much emphasis on increasing income and investment. These policies are weak in addressing the real causes of poverty such as social inequality, and ignore issues of politics and history. Therefore, it must be said that whilst Uganda is one of the more thorough nations with regards to its assessments, it still lacks a subjective view and focuses too much on income issues rather than looking at the root causes of poverty (Hammer, Pyatt and White, 1999, pp. 819-821). Despite this and the concerns that too much emphasis on investment and improved income will not result in a reduction in poverty, the results initially seem good. A study by Nkusu (2004) shows that an emphasis on investment, aid and income factors has led to a much healthier economy and structural reforms that have reduced poverty overall. However, it is still unclear as to weather these policies are taking into account the results shown in the participatory poverty analysis. The next section will examine how the PEAP uses these analyses within its policies, and how effective this usage is. Participatory poverty analysis in the PEAP It seems that whilst the original PEAP was endorsed and approved by the IMS for its effectiveness at sticking to the principles of participation, in recent years the plan has somewhat moved away from the original focus (Canagarajah and van Diesen, 2006, pp. 663-666). The World Bank and IMF understand the need to listen to the poor and their needs in order to solve problems of poverty. Without this, the root causes of poverty will not be found and despite economic growth the average poor person will not be better off as the rich will gain. The problem is not so much with the Ugandan policies but the limits put upon them by the World Bank and IMF. In order for these poor countries to receive the financial aid they need to progress, they must meet certain criteria for economic reforms set out by the IMF and World Bank. However, this essentially means the countries like Uganda have little say in the policies that need to be created in order for them to improve their economy. Therefore, the suggestion by the IMF and World Bank to listen to the poor is misleading. They have suggested this method in order to deflect attention from their conditions imposed on financial aid. This means that the participation of people in Uganda in the forming of policies is reduced, because the government must limit the information they are exposed to in order to make sure the policies are put in place to get aid and promote growth. This makes it harder for Uganda to listen to its people regarding policies that they would like to see to improve their living conditions (Rowden and Irama, 2004). The problem with these policies as outlined in the household surveys is that economic growth is not being shared amongst the people who need it, and instead poverty is increasing. The poverty rate is increasing because the economic growth in Uganda at this point favours the richer people and international community, thanks to the biased policies needed to get funding from the IMF and World Bank (Economic Policy Research Centre – Makerere University, 2003). There are some indications that the people within Uganda are being listened to when possible. Findings looking at groups of poor children in Uganda found that measures looking at just income and consumption were not enough, and so other methods were taken into consideration by asking those who were poor (UNESCO., 2005). The poverty assessment reports however show that despite the focus of the PEAP on economic growth, this is not the reason for increase poverty in Uganda. The poverty status report in 2003 shows that despite economic growth, people still remain below the poverty line. The main reasons for this are unequal economic growth, and a lack of security in areas such as Northern Uganda (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2003a, pp. 147-149). Whilst these issues are identified in the PEAP, the main focus of policy is still on economic growth, because this is the only way the economy can be improved through financial aid. However, there are areas within the poverty assessment reports that are being utilised by the PEAP. One of these areas is healthcare, which in the assessment reports is identified as a key area that leads to poverty, and that the more people that are poor the more that will need to be spent to maintain people’s health (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2002, pp. 101-105). The original poverty assessment report identified similar problems including issues of district divide, and the obstacles for people trying to improving their own lives (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2000). The PEAP looks at some of these issues and puts policies in place to address, particularly with regards to health. The PEAP has made an effort to focus on preventive measures of health care so that the poorest members of society have greater access to services so that they can be more productive (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2005, pp. 163-165). Despite this, the conclusions of the PEAP stick mainly to issues of economic growth rather than social problems. It is true that during the 1990s high economic growth resulted in a reduction in the amount of people under the poverty line. However, as the country has improved its services, the further economic growth has been hampered by the limits of policies demanded by the IMF and World Bank in order to meet aid conditions. This means the economic growth has been a means towards an end of gaining aid to increase growth rather than simply looking at the social factors affecting the poor (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2005, pp. 211.213). Gender Analysis in the PEAP Another issue that needs to be addressed is whether or not the PEAP is addressing issues of gender effectively. Gender is clearly a big issue in a country where female-run families are worse off than male-led families due to lack of opportunities and rights for women to improve their economic status. Initial findings suggest that although the poverty participation process involves looking at those who are marginalised within society due to gender or other issues, the analyses do not effectively discuss gender issues (Wordofa, 2004, pp. 68-71). A study by Zuckerman and Garrett (2003) found that many of these poverty assessment reports in various developing countries only addressed gender issues in a superficial manner. Uganda in fact would not use gendered participation within its original report research but would then try to aggregate gender back into the policies later on. This tactic results in policies that do not accurately address the true concerns and issues associated with gender in Uganda in terms of poverty (Zuckerman, and Garrett, 2003, pp. 6, 12). Common examples of this are looking at different households in terms of age, but not reflecting differences in consumption levels according to gender. This is particularly damaging for a country like Uganda where some of the poorest members of society are women. This means despite good economic growth, the needs of many of the poorest are not being dealt with. As Whitehead and Lockwood (1999, p. 14) show, the way in which the Uganda PEAP deals with women’s issues is very superficial. There is a section regarding women, but it is not linked into the rest of the policies in general making it an isolated and superfluous section of the document. However, this study was conducted in 1999 and since then the reports have been looked at more closely, with more emphasis on gender issues. Despite this, there still remains a level of isolation between these findings and the policies as a whole. Zuckerman (2002) shows that there is some progress being made with regards to this, and those early failings have been dealt with in some ways. The reports now have women actively participating in order to form policies that will help get them out of poverty. However, it is still shown that despite this participation, the gendered participation has not filtered through to the policies in the PEAP as a whole. The problem is that these views from different genders are then generalised when added to policy, and therefore have little effect on gender differences. If this participation is to work then there needs to be a greater effort to make distinct policies to address gender differences rather than re-aggregating into a generalised whole. Conclusion The Ugandan PEAP has certainly been one of the most successful of these types of poverty reduction scheme in terms of reducing the poverty indicators of poor income and high levels of consumption to income. This has meant that overall the economy is doing better in Uganda, and people have higher incomes than before. This however is too simple a definition of poverty, and other factors such as the feelings and well-being of the poor, security issues and social structures need to be taken into account. The PEAP has improved since its inception in the 1990’s in terms of recognising these issues, but the core policies have changed very little. The main focus of the PEAP is still to improve economic growth, for two main reasons. Firstly because this was a successful policy throughout the 1990’s in helping to reduce overall poverty, and secondly because such economic policies are required by the IMF and World Bank in order to Uganda to receive the aid it needs to progress. The improvements in participation have meant that PEAP documents now address issues of gender and empowerment. However, these issues are addressed in a superficial way and the voices of marginalised are not affecting policy change. This means that despite continued economic growth, the wealth divide has increased and the percentage of people in poverty has increased in recent years. The policies are helping those who are better off to increase their wealth rather than improving the opportunities for the poorest members of society. As pointed out in reports, the country is reaching its targets with regards to alleviating poverty in economic growth terms and structural reforms (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2003b). However, these targets are not reducing overall poverty because they are allowing the participation in policy making of marginalised groups. The chronically poor who need the most help most likely to stay poor, supporting the claim that these policies of economic growth are not helping reduce poverty in Uganda (Okidi, and Mugambe, 2002, pp. 2-4). Bibliography Canagarajah, S., and van Diesen, A., 2006. The Poverty Reduction Strategy Approach Six Years On: An Examination of Principles and Practice in Uganda. Development Policy Review, 24(6), pp. 647-667. Economic Policy Research Centre – Makerere University., 2003. Reports on Socio Economics and Labour Force. Uganda Bureau of Statistics. Available at: http://www.ubos.org/onlinefiles/uploads/ubos/survey documentation/unhsii/survey0/outputInformation/reports.html Gariyo, Z., 2001. Civil Society and Global Finance in Africa: The PRSP Process in Uganda. In Civil Society and Global Finance edited by Jan Scholte et al, 2001. Kingdon, G.G., and Knight, J., 2004. Subjective well-being poverty versus income poverty and capabilities poverty?. Global Policy Research Group. Available at: http://www.gprg.org/pubs/workingpapers/pdfs/gprg-wps-003.pdf Nakamatte, N., et al., 2002. UPPAP – Kimwanyi Site Report. Available at: http://www.finance.go.ug/docs/Kimwanyi site report Final Draft.pdf Nkusu, M., 2004. Financing Uganda’s Poverty Reduction Strategy: Is Aid Causing More Pain Than Gain?. IMF Working Papers, 04/170. Okidi, J.A., and Mugambe, G.K., 2002. An Overview of Chronic Poverty and Development Policy in Uganda. Economic Policy Research Centre, Uganda. Available at: http://www.chronicpoverty.org/pdfs/11Okidi_Mugambe.pdf Rowden, R., and Irama, J.O., 2004. Rethinking Participation: Questions for Civil Society about the Limits of Participation in PRSPs. Civil Society Observer, 1(2), April 2004. Available at: http://www.actionaidusa.org/images/rethinking_participation_april04.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2000. Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Process. Available at: http://www.w1.co.ug/uppap/docs/National Report New Edition.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2002. Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Process – Deepening the Understanding of Poverty. Available at: http://www.w1.co.ug/uppap/docs/NationalRpt.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2003a. Uganda Poverty Status Report. Available at: http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2003/cr03301.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2003b. Uganda’s Progress in Attaining the PEAP Targets – in the Context of the Millennium Development Goals Background Paper for The Consultative Group Meeting. Available at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/UGANDAEXTN/Resources/CG_2003_GoU_PEAP_targets.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005. Uganda: Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper – Poverty Eradication Action Plan (2004/5-2007/8). International Monetary Fund, August 2005. Available at: http://www.finance.go.ug/docs/PEAP 2005 Apr.pdf UNESCO., 2005. Children in abject poverty in Uganda: A study of criteria and status of those in and out of school in selected districts in Uganda. Available at: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001414/141482e.pdf Whitehead, A., and Lockwood, M., 1999. Gender in the World Bank’s Poverty Assessments: Six Case Studies from Sub-Saharan Africa. United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), Discussion Paper, 99 (June 1999). Wordofa, D., 2004. Poverty-reduction policy responses to gender and social diversity in Uganda. Gender and Development, 12(1), pp. 68-74. World Bank Group., 2008. Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP). (Online). Available at: http://go.worldbank.org/KG9Q84BQE0 (Accessed 30th June 2008). Zuckerman, E., 2002. ‘Engendering’ Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs): the issues and the challenges. Gender and Development, 10(3). Available at: http://www.genderaction.org/images/Oxfam GenderUgandan Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP)

Bioculturalism and Identity: The Anthropology of “Others” in the Genetic Age

Bioculturalism and Identity: The Anthropology of “Others” in the Genetic Age. The study of “identity” in anthropology has undergone an epistemological shift in recent decades. Anthropologists have long sought to disassociate identity as a fixed object of study arguing that is this concept is purely a product of social performance with a collective nature that arises from the navigation of existing political structures (Sökefeld 1999, Brodwin 2002). However, the recent contributions of human genetics research contrast this stance as identity, or differences, has a biological basis. With the inclusion of genetic studies into discussions of identity formation and reconstruction, anthropology has been prompted to engage new directions in anthropological theory and methodology producing a deeper understanding of how humans engage with each other and with larger group identities (Franklin 2003, Marks 2013, Sökefeld 1999, Brodwin 2002). However, the incorporation of genetic evidence into anthropological discourse is not seamless as it has been met with resistance from several scholars citing its practice as a return to old or revalued conceptions of race, identity, and ethnicity with the potential to incite new divisions rather than its promise to dissolve standing myths about racial, ethnic and cultural identities (Reich 2018). (Tallbear 2013, Reardon and Tallbear 2012). Anthropology has begun to address these concerns through several lines of questioning: How have these recent genetic studies influenced the formation of identities and heritage? What theoretical or methodological frameworks allow anthropology to navigate the aftermath of the genomic revolution? It is this intersection of cultural-biological boundaries that I wish to explore in this research paper. To address how genetic studies have impacted identity, it is essential to first define “identity” in its traditional anthropological sense. For this paper, identity will be approached dialectically, arguing its existence in the negotiation of sameness and difference (Franklin 2003, Marks 2013, Sökefeld 1999, Brodwin 2002). The social formations of race, ethnicity, and indigeneity will constitute much of this discussion with the aim to present how both social and biological factors can permeate into a definition of identity. Following this clarification, I want to further examine the methodological and theoretical exchanges prompted by the inclusion of genetics in anthropology in hopes to discuss a negotiated sociobiological epistemology (Franklin 2003, Meloni 2013). Before proceeding forward, it is necessary to address the consequences of this shift, as some have defined this negotiated framework as a form of biocolonialism and further deconstructs indigenous and disenfranchised identities. I plan to present these viewpoints through the works of Brodwin (2002), Caspari (2010), Tallbear (2012, 2013), and others writing on this topic. Several key themes that will be addressed are the recreation of a white identity, a normalization of the unmarked nature of European and further exoticism of non-European identities, and the undercutting of unity in disenfranchised groups. With the current situation in place, I plan to close this paper with a discussion of several proposed methodological frameworks that navigate these concerns while still pressing forward. The bulk of these are community-based research practices that approaches identity as a biocultural phenomenon and geared towards a shared critical historicity (Tallbear 2013, Bang 2016). I hope to expand this discussion focusing on ancestral and heritage narratives in greater detail. Underlying this topic is an examination of human groupings as a biocultural product. Through a provision of the history and theoretical frameworks that incorporate the biological foundations into the social sciences, concepts of identity, such as race, indigeneity, and ethnicity can be reexamined through a biocultural lens. As anthropology moves towards greater interdisciplinary research, a greater acknowledgement of a biosocial framework can foster more effective communication between disciplines and the communities under study which deepening our comprehension of the human experience. Preliminary Works Cited 1) Bang, Megan, Lori Faber, Jasmine Gurneau, Ananda Marin, and Cynthia Soto. “Community-based design research: Learning across generations and strategic transformations of institutional relations toward axiological innovations.” Mind, Culture, and Activity 23, no. 1 (2016): 28-41. 2) Brodwin, Paul. “Genetics, identity, and the anthropology of essentialism.” Anthropological Quarterly 75, no. 2 (2002): 323-330. 3) Caspari, Rachel. “Deconstructing race: racial thinking, geographic variation, and implications for biological anthropology.” A companion to biological anthropology (2010): 104-123. 4) Franklin, Sarah. “Re-thinking nature—culture: Anthropology and the new genetics.” Anthropological theory 3, no. 1 (2003): 65-85. 5) Genetics Working Group. “The use of racial, ethnic, and ancestral categories in human genetics research.” The American Journal of Human Genetics 77, no. 4 (2005): 519-532. 6) Marks, Jonathan. “The nature/culture of genetic facts.” Annual Review of Anthropology 42 (2013): 247-267. 7) Meloni, Maurizio, Simon Williams, and Paul Martin. “The biosocial: sociological themes and issues.” (2016): 7-25. 8) Reardon, Jenny, and Kim TallBear. ““Your DNA Is Our History” Genomics, Anthropology, and the Construction of Whiteness as Property.” Current Anthropology 53, no. S5 (2012): S233-S245. 9) Reich, David. Who we are and how we got here: Ancient DNA and the new science of the human past. Oxford University Press, 2018. 10) Sökefeld, Martin. “Debating self, identity, and culture in anthropology.” Current anthropology 40, no. 4 (1999): 417-448. 11) TallBear, Kim. “Genomic articulations of indigeneity.” Social Studies of Science 43, no. 4 (2013): 509-533. 12) Wolpoff, Milford H., and Rachel Caspari. “Paleoanthropology and race.” A companion to paleoanthropology (2013): 321-337. Bioculturalism and Identity: The Anthropology of “Others” in the Genetic Age

Paper 2: Persona

assignment writer Paper 2: Persona.

Hello Professor,1. I will post the question of the essay for you with all the requirements needed for it, so please read it carefully and follow everything my teacher want for the essay.2. I want you to write it all with your own words and I don’t need any plagiarism please, because I want to get a good grade on it.3. Read the requirements more that one time and respond to what the teacher want step by step.4. I want you to write 5 pages with MLA and I need it all organized please.5. I will send you picture at the end please read it carefully before you start writing the essay to get the requirements needed for the essay because it’s very important to take a look at it before you start writing the essay.6. Good luck and please follow everything needed for the assignment. Paper 2: PersonaPurpose:This essay assignment will allow you to location, evaluate, and synthesize information from sources representing diverse perspectives in order to construct an argument that follows the Toulmin Model of argument. The topic of the argument will be about Persona. You’ll write an argument answering this question: What steps do you think an individual should take to influence how others perceive them?Skills:The purpose of this assignment is to help you practice the following skills that are essential to your success in navigating arguments you’ll encounter in your academic, professional, and personal lives. In this assignment you will:Demonstrate your understanding of the Toulmin ArgumentAvoid problems in logic through your argumentIncorporate sources of value to youUnderstand the distinction between inductive, deductive, and analogical reasoningKnowledge:This assignment will also help you to become familiar with the following important content knowledge in critical thinking and reasoning:That there are approaches to argument that contain specific elements that we can defineThat an argument gets into more nuanced depths than simply be “right” or “wrong”Tasks:To complete this assignment you should:Before you start writing, think about the tools you use to communicate with others how you want to be perceived. Also think about how you want people to see you, and what you do to evoke that view. Where are there consistencies or contradictions? between the tools you use and your desires?On 3/11, in class, be sure to have a working draft, with at least what you see as your Grounds, Warrants, and Claims is for your paper. The grounds should be a text, something that can clearly be cited, which you’re responding to. As Karbach writes, “the grounds are the foundation of the argument,” and that foundation must be solid (82). The fact is established by a clear text. If you don’t have a specific text, you should have a very clear statement that has context, like the example on page 85. The statement is about people in a specific job (“waitresses”) under specific circumstances (“who make a dependable wage”) who are facing a specific challenge (“will be less likely to leave present employment”) and the claim is responding to that. Think about what specific grounds you have in your paper.You’re trying to write an argument that answers this question: What do you think has the biggest influence on how others perceive an individual? This is not a personal essay, though it might include personal narrative elements. One example might be something like this: “The biggest influence on perception is physical style, and how that’s presented in online spaces.” That is an inductive argument, moving from a specific tool to a much larger concept. Be aware of how your argument is Inductive, Deductive, or Analogical.In body paragraphs, makes points that help you elaborate on the statement you’ve made (the statement is your argument/thesis), defining what you’re using as your grounds, and what warrants you’re relying on to make the argument.Incorporate sources/evidence as needed and incorporate those in MLA format. Use at least three sources in your paper.Decide where Backing, Qualifiers, and Rebuttals are necessary, and incorporate those.In a conclusion, attempt to end in a different place than where you began, remembering that a paper is about a progression, where you move to a new place by the end of it, rather than merely restating the initial thesis.Cite all sources in a Work Cited page at the end of the paperInclude a reflection at the end of the paper that answers these questions:
What motivated you to make this argument (another way to think about this might be: what is your exigence?)What do you see as strengths in the paper (give a specific example from what you’ve written)?What would you like specific feedback on? (Please do not say “my writing in general.”)Submit that document here in CanvasCriteria for Success:You’ve written a paper about how you think has the biggest influence on how others perceive an individual; the Toulmin model is followed, and it’s clear what the specific elements are, and how the reasoning of the paper is structured; a heading is on the first page, along with a title; there’s a clear introduction that makes a statement/argument/thesis; body paragraphs are clearly structured to advance that point, whether it’s deductive, inductive, or analogical; 3 sources/evidence are incorporated where necessary; MLA format is used both in text and also in a Work Cited page at the end; a reflection follows the works cited; the paper is submitted by 11:59pm on 3/18.In Paper 2, after your Work Cited page, I’m asking you to write a reflection. You’ll reflect by writing answers to these three questions:What motivated you to make this argument (another way to think about this might be: what is your exigence?)What do you see as strengths in the paper (give a specific example from what you’ve written)?What would you like specific feedback on? (Please do not say “my writing in general.”)
Paper 2: Persona

Blue Monday Strip by Rebecca Horn: Themes and Techniques

Blue Monday Strip by Rebecca Horn: Themes and Techniques. Artist: Rebecca Horn. Title/Date: Blue Monday Strip, 1993. Materials: Typewriters, ink, metal, and motors. Dimensions: 192 1/8 x 137 inches. Site: Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum. Provenance: Gift of the artist. Introduction to Blue Monday Strip by Rebecca Horn The work of Rebecca Horn is appealing to many in the art world. To me, it is appealing in ways that I, as a fellow artist, find particularly compelling; although we work in different media, a common theme seems to resonate when I observe her work and compare it to my own. There is a sense of the fleeting nature of our corporeal existence against a background of the mundane details of life. Her works are animated, though in a much different way than my own art is ‘animated’ The sense of activity and movement I see in her work is something that is appealing and energizing. It brings to mind the limitations of the human body, yet at the same time it brings to light the concept that human activity goes on, even though we as individuals do not. According to one biographer/critic, Horn’s work is ‘located in the nexus between body and machine’, and it ‘transmogrifies the ordinary into the enigmatic’ (Ragheb, 1993). Horn’s ability to do this with such deft yet subtle precision is part of her appeal to me as a practitioner. She can take everyday objects and juxtapose them with such uniqueness that viewers look at them in new ways. Doing this within my own medium is something I can strive for, and hope on some level to achieve; what she has done with her sculpture, in her unique way, sets a standard I can aspire to in my own chosen medium. Nowhere is this more apparent than in Blue Monday Strip, a 1993 piece that was a gift from Horn to the Guggenheim Museum in New York City. Blue Monday Strip: Salient characteristics of Form and Content Horn’s piece, Blue Monday Strip, was actually a gift that the artist bestowed upon the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum in New York City. This dynamic work measures, in inches, 192 1/8th by 137, and is composed of ‘everyday’ (although some are somewhat dated) materials: older, or ‘vintage’ typewriters, ink, metal, and motors. A crucial aspect of this particular piece is that it is mechanized, so there is movement: it is essentially, animated, and in quite a literal sense. As an animator, this is a feature that is important to me. Ragheb has described Blue Monday Strip as a group of ‘vintage typewriters’ that ‘are liberated from the orderly office world and set akimbo, transformed into an unruly lot whose keys chatter ceaselessly in a raucous dialogue’ (1993). The monotony of the droning typewriters is clearly symbolic of the relentless sameness that was at one time experienced by the secretaries who operated them each week, starting on the first day of the work cycle—the ‘blue Monday’ An occasional splotch of blue paint—presumably ink? Might we go so far as to say sweat, or possibly tears?—breaks the monotony. The ability to breathe life into inanimate forms in such an effective and dramatic way is something that I, as an animator, find truly compelling. Another feature of Horn’s work that appeals to me is her sense of perspective; her work is based in reality—a quantifiable and verifiable reality, as I would like mine to be. In other words, much of modern art has been criticized for its abstract qualities; often a sculpture or painting will be impossible to describe until we read the title. Then we can say, ‘oh, yes, it’s clearly a pear, anyone can see that’—when in reality it looks nothing like a pear at all. Horn’s work does not have this type of abstractness: its primary components are easily identified as typewriters, but because of the mode of presentation, we are forced into seeing them in a new way. As Winterson has written, ‘art has the knack of helping us to see what we would normally miss. . . Artists see better than we do, and help us to look twice. Horn’s way of seeing is to go past the sensible, obvious arrangements of objects and people, and rearrange them in a way that is not obvious at all’ (Winterson, 2005). In this specific piece, the objects before us are authentic, but they are in an unusual setting, one which calls attention to them and forces us to consider them in unusual ways. Blue Monday Strip is, as the title suggests, a ‘strip’, or section, of a life that includes not just one, but several typewriters. What does this suggest, other than an office? An office on a blue Monday? A setting in which individuals—most likely women—find themselves trapped again and again, Monday after Monday, with little likelihood of change beyond the Saturday and Sunday that separate the weeks. This is the kind of thought process I would like to spark with my own work—it need not be mysterious to the viewer; it need be nothing more than what it appears to the average eye. But to those who care, or dare, to look, it will suggest ideas and themes in subtle, yet consciously planned ways. As Ragheb says of Horn’s sculpture, the viewer can see a disorganized row of machines and nothing more; or, he or she can see something further. One can feel the drain of wasted lives, the emptiness of disappointed hopes, the frustration of unfulfilled desire, by taking a second look at the forlorn collection of typewriters: ‘Whether mechanomorphic bodies or anthropomorphic machines, all of Horn’s works are fraught with sexual allusions and the ache of desire’ (Ragheb). Horn’s career has spanned over three decades, and though she has experimented with form and theme throughout, she has returned again and again to somatic themes. At times, her work is a celebration of the body, in respectful, awed praise of its power; at others, it seems a reproachful and cynical statement on the treachery of the body. Ideas, Practices, and Issues Relating to the Body Horn’s early reading stirred an interest in Surrealism and the absurd; this was further inspired in young adulthood, when she was introduced to the works of Franz Kafka and Jean Genet, and by the films of Luis Buñuel and Pier Paolo Pasolini (Ragheb). The absurdist philosophies of Kafka and Genet, and the obscure themes of Buñuel and Pasolini, are evident to a great extent in all of her works. Yet what affected her life and her work most was what she has interpreted as a betrayal of her own body. In an interview with Jeanette Winterson last year, Horn described two of the key events that caused a change in the course of her life and work. First was the onset, at age 20[i], of a serious lung condition. This was the result of working, by her own account, unprotected, with glass fibre. No one had told her that it was a dangerous material. As a result, after a period of intense work, while living in a cheap hotel in Barcelona—‘one of those hotels where you rent rooms by the hour’—she found herself dangerously ill. During this unfortunate period, she also found herself alone—both parents had died. ‘I was totally isolated’, she told Winterson. To recuperate, she was forced to spend time in a sanatorium, a setting in which her sense of isolation was magnified. This enforced period of extended rest became an experience that ultimately led her to consider the workings of the body in a new way. She began to view the body it in terms of isolation and vulnerability. ‘That’s when I began to produce my first body-sculptures. I could sew lying in bed’ (qtd. in Winterson, 2005). What resulted from this period were a series of designs ‘that would extend her body’ explains Winterson (2005). Apparently, this was more than a reactionary phase, as Horn continued on this trajectory after her release from the sanatorium. Back at art school, she worked with soft materials, such as prosthetic bandages and padding, creating protective, cocoon-like pieces. Works from this early period include Finger Gloves (1972), Pencil Mask (1972), and Black Cockfeathers (1971). According to Winterson, ‘isolation becomes a message in a bottle; the viewer can retrieve what is inside’ (2005). Eventually Horn gravitated more and more into performance art, but instead of abandoning the body-extension sculptures, she used them as part of her performance (Ragheb). The limitations of the body, and of one’s time on earth, are apparent even as the actions of Horn’s mechanized sculptures suggest endless time. There is a beauty in the symmetry of Blue Monday Strip, a duality in the suggestion of the mundane in a setting of what appears to be perpetual motion. To express animation through inanimate objects is to do the unexpected, particularly in Horn’s chosen format. This is what I would like to achieve in my own art. Conclusion: A Contextual Investigation All art is contextual in that it is dependent upon its environment. What it is, as well as the time in which it is brought into existence, are both aspects that must be considered when assessing its value. Art that relates to the body is unique in the sense that although our individual bodies have a limited amount of time on this earth, the body, such as it is, is perpetual. It will always exist, though each of us as individuals has a limited time span on this earth. The work of Rebecca Horn is appealing in a timeless sense; one gets the feeling that it will be appreciated and valued even in the far distant future, in a time when machines such as ‘typewriters’ have ceased to play a role in society, other than as a symbol of the past. Her work is relevant in ways that I, as a fellow artist, find significant and familiar—and this familiarity exists despite the fact that we work in media that are altogether different from each other. Despite this difference, a common theme exists and seems to resonate when I observe her work and consider it against my own. Though we work with different materials, there is a common theme, a sense of the fleeting nature of our corporeal existence against a background of the details of life. Her works are animated, though in a much different way than my own art is ‘animated’. The sense of activity and movement I see in her work is something that is appealing and energizing. It brings to mind the limitations of the human body, yet at the same time it brings to light the concept that human activity goes on, even though we as individuals do not. Doing this within my own medium is something I can strive for, and hope on some level to achieve. As Ragheb has written, Horn’s work is ‘located in the nexus between body and machine’, and it ‘transmogrifies the ordinary into the enigmatic’ (1993). I would take these even further; Horn’s ability to find a niche between body and machine has been accomplished with dexterity and precision, yet at the same time with a subtlety that lends itself to individual interpretation. This, in essence, is the crux of her appeal to me as a practitioner. She can take everyday objects—typewriters, motors, ink, bits of metal—and juxtapose them in such unique ways that viewers look at them in ways that are new and yet familiar at the same time. References Cork, Richard. 2005. ‘Rebecca Horn invades our senses’. Times Online, Weekend Review, Arts, May 21, 2005. Retrieved from http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,14933-1620638,00.html Ragheb, J. Fiona. ‘Rebecca Horn’. Retrieved from http://www.guggenheimcollection.org/site/artist_bio_66.html Smith, Roberta. 1993. ‘Review/Art; Fountains of Mercury, a Piano Spitting Out Keys: Sculpture as Dramas’. New York Times, July 2, 1993. Retrieved electronically on 5/12/06 from http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9F0CE3D81E3BF931A35754C0A965958260Blue Monday Strip by Rebecca Horn: Themes and Techniques

Please answer the following by numbers w/ supporting references

Please answer the following by numbers w/ supporting references.

1. How have companies, like Pandora, used marketing to improve customer satisfaction and loyalty?2. How has GE unified its various brands under one marketing umbrella (or brand)?3. How has Twitter gone from a US-based company to a global entity?4. What are some specific branding guidelines for small business?5.Contrast consumer and organizational buying behaviors.6.Evaluate business to business buying behavior.7.Analyze post purchase processes, consumer satisfaction, and metrics to evaluate customer loyalty.8.Explain organizational behaviors taking into account business to business and business to consumer buying behaviors.
Please answer the following by numbers w/ supporting references