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The Battle of Tropical Islam: struggle for an Islamic Identity in Indonesia Research Paper

Table of Contents Introduction Islam Identity in Indonesia: The escapade Attempts to solve the Conflict Beyond the obvious The Bombshell Reference List Introduction Indonesia is ranked fourth in the world among the most populous Muslim nations. The spread of Muslim faith in Indonesia can be graded as “moderate” with the country being strategically positioned along the sea lines, which appropriately connect to the energy resources of the Middle East (Vaughn, 2009). Many peace consultants look at Indonesia as being the most critical partner in waging a struggle against radical Islamist Militants in South East Asia. Over time, Indonesia has continued to persue democracy and develop the realms of civil society and law under new reforms by the current president, Susilo. Nevertheless, there exist unhealed wounds caused by the abuse of human rights with the major culprit’s being the military under the reign of former President Suharto for three decades. Islam Identity in Indonesia: The escapade Indonesia started as a secular state and managed to survive as one (Paris and Schwarz, 1999). This is because Islam in Indonesia has integrated or adapted with ancient local customs and beliefs that emanate from a moderate and benign version of Islam. The majority of Muslims in Indonesia are traditionalists; a tendency that incorporates strong elements of Sufi mysticism and pre-Islamic Javanese traditions (Haseman and Rabasa, 2002). They follow the local based law called “adat” which takes precedence over strict Islamic custom (Gocher and Vatikiotis, 2006). Additionally, Indonesia originally faced a peaceful spread of Islam that was not accompanied by force; instead, winds of Islamic reform had reached Indonesia from the Middle East gracefully uniting with the local beliefs (Paris and Schwarz, 1999). This is why rigid adherence to Islamic shariah law is found to be an unfruitful venture due to the strong mismatching foundations. During the early part of the twentieth century two different views of Islam in Indonesia started to emerge that caused a split emerged between the modernists and the more conservatives (Paris and Schwarz 1999). The modernist could not accept the integration of Islam with local customs, but demanded that Javanese Islam be purged of its non-Islamic superstitions. This division was greatly highlighted during the early years of Indonesia’s independence. This occurrence shows that even with the different ideologists about Islam that exist within Islam, there is an internal fight on superiority; each strain would want others to declare them as the true faith of Muslim. There exists the most basic fact here: Indonesia as a Muslim country has been faced with a lot of political unrest over time, with Muslim being the salient factor Indonesian Politics (Bull and Woodward, 2009). Nevertheless, after the democratic transition, many Islamist groups both in Indonesia and the Middle East have risen up and gotten very active, some being violent and others with an approach of Islam social norms. Get your 100% original paper on any topic done in as little as 3 hours Learn More The irony in this happening is that Islamist groups that would otherwise have been outlawed by today’s democratic rule are being allowed to exist as active political players. The most worrying issue as far as a conflict in the minds of Muslim radicals is concerned is that war cannot be won without being fought (Peters, 2002). The idea here is that this tiff has spread to a national level, eminent before an international platform. Transnational terrorism was made active mostly after the occurrences of September 11. That very date has since then left an unforgettable mark on the whole world. Relations between different states faced a lot of tiffs with little or no benign subsequent relations whatsoever (Kadir, 2002). September 11 twisted the idea of international relations to take another course; there became a general picture of the abundance of a grudge between the extremist Islam and the Liberal, capitalist and the Christian West. Kadir (2002) explains that after the tragic occurrence, leaders of the Islamic communities in Indonesia distanced themselves from the radical Muslim faiths that would encourage terrorism, terming them as deviant faiths. The leaders of Muslim faith and the government leaders in Indonesia and South East Asia refuted to have such radical versions of Islam to spread to their countries. Nonetheless, their hopes can be seen as denial of the past political Muslim experiences of the country. This is basically because, Indonesia faced many years of Islamist military oppression where violence was clear and pronounced (Vaugh, 2009). In the same case, it is the same occurrences, which left nearly 500, 000 Indonesian dead during the “new order” rule of President Suharto. The association of such actions with radical Muslim faith have resulted to the Indonesian Muslim leaders to have a distant attitude towards Radical Muslim faith. On the other hand, there exists a number of Radical or “fundamentalist” Muslims within Indonesia especially during periods of both Sukarno and Suharto where several attempts to establish an Islamic state in Indonesia were made (Indonesia Backgrounder, 2004). Their jubilance has been given so much media attention in recent years, which has created a misconception that Indonesian Islam, is radical. According to Fox (2004), there arose a new Islamic movement called “Hitbut Tahrir” that had foundations outside Indonesia. This group sought to revamp and attain the inclusion of global fundamentality in the Indonesian national landscape, against nationalism and state power (Fox, 2004). This notion has overshadowed the truth about Indonesian Islam, which is actually accommodating and moderate as compared to other fundamentalist Muslim traits (Jones, 2007). Indonesia is composed of a diverse set of communities spread across thousands of islands. It is because of this that during the early years, the focus of the government was to strengthen nationalism and independence. It was during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia that Islam officially recognized (Gocher and Vatikiotis, 2006). This was a first step that would ensure future pressure on the government to accommodate Islamic political aspirations. We will write a custom Research Paper on The Battle of Tropical Islam: struggle for an Islamic Identity in Indonesia specifically for you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More There eventually arose two major opposing Islamic parties (Masjumi and Hisbullah), which always had heated constitutional debates about the form that new Indonesia state was to take. On one hand, the Masjumi demanded that Islam be declared the state religion, while other groups demanded for the adoption of an Islamic state that is purely based on the Sharia law (Marshall, 2005). It was here that the government decided to marginalize those advocating the movement for an Islamic state in Indonesia because there was fear that the idea of an Islamic state would destroy Indonesia even before Independence (Paris and Schwarz, 1999). According to Geocher and Vatikiotis (2006), so as to tone-down the tension between the government and the Muslim community, there was an introduced state philosophy which insisted that the state was to be based on a single belief of a “one supreme God”. Additionally, it was also made clear that God applied not specifically only to Islam, but rather of the five known official religions: Protestantism, Buddhism, Hinduism, Catholic and Islam (Marshall, 2005). This unclear idea about the superiority and clarity of Islam created high tension between the Muslim community and the new independent government, of which it had helped install during the fight for independence. During the “New Order” regime, Islam was greatly marginalized through the oppressive centralized government at the time. The new regime was determined to establish the military as the primary broker in Indonesia. With the defeat of the communists, Muslims groups expected to be rewarded for helping the army, instead the “New Order” acted promptly to rollback abuse to the camp of the Muslims (Gocher and Vatikiotis, 2006). The Muslim were the only religious group left who had the numbers and organizational strength to compete for power with the army. Consequent events saw Suharto acting quickly to more drastically kill the Influence of Islamic idioms in to the government policies (Paris and Schwarz, 1999). In 1973, Suharto forced the merger of Muslim groups, as an attempt to kill the upcoming unrest. As a result, Islamists viewed this as a potential policy that sought to view Islam as lacking the viability to influence the government policies or participate it Indonesia’s political landscape (Marshall, 2005). This was followed by an even greater blow to Muslim interests; the government’s decision to require all political and social organizations to adopt “Pancasila” as their sole ideological basis. Not sure if you can write a paper on The Battle of Tropical Islam: struggle for an Islamic Identity in Indonesia by yourself? We can help you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More There was a general belief by the Muslims that Pancasila sought to place man over “Allah” and that the idea was heretical (Paris and Schwarz, 1999). Gocher and Vatikiotis, (2006) summed up the New Order’s primary social achievement; Delivering Indonesia from the tangles of the vigorous tides that had sweeping the world as from the late 1970s. Nevertheless, there are critics who believe that the attempt the curb Islam in Indonesia, has made Indonesia Islamic. There are a number of forces for Islamic revivalism that has re-introduced debates on whether or not Indonesia should be an Islamic state. First, international influences from Islamic revolutions in countries like Iran have spurred up Indonesian interest in Islam (Paris and Schwarz, 1999). Additionally, the spread of Islam in campuses and the growing Islamic intellectual influences on the attitudes towards national, social and economic developments have directed such views on the basis of Islam. This force to Islamic revivalism were especially evident in the younger generation, who are seen to be more vigilant in making Muslim faith to be more applicable to life in the modern world than it already is. Lastly, political dynamics where Suharto was losing his power base as he encountered greater opposition within the ranks of the military; occurrences that twisted his arm and got him to break-ice and coincide with the Muslim groups so as to ensure that the relationship with the military stayed alive. The most alarming thing about this whole Muslim revival issue is that, on the occurrence of the Asian crisis in the late 1997, there was no shift. More concern and precedence was given to the reviving of relations with the Muslims. This event lead to the fall of the “New order” regime that eventually saw Suharto’s thirty two years of rule come to an end. The result was a major power gap that was space enough for the Radical Islamists to step in (Marshall, 2005). According to Marshall (2005) the unexpected occurrence has brought about the resurgence of earlier Islamists ideologies and aspirations. More critical is the drastic proclamation of Indonesia as a state of Islamic religion as a defiance to Suharto’s Pancasila regime. This is proven by attempts by Muslim groups to reintroduce the “Jakarta Charter” which would allow the application of shariah law and transform Indonesia into an Islamic state. For now, they have been kept democratically at bay as the “People’s Consultative Assembly” avoided a direct vote on the issue, rebuffing the Islamic parties in favor of maintaining the original, more pluralist phrasing. Although the New Order has made it compulsory in the past, a number of parties have recently adopted Islam as their ideological basis instead of Pancasila. Increased freedoms in the post-Suharto period have radical strains of Muslim groups after years of being marginalized politically and socially. There has also been increase infiltration by radical international Islamist groups seeking to spread their beliefs into Indonesia. The traditional threat of shariah law in Indonesia is now back stronger than ever, and it is important to further strengthen democratic elements among mainstream Indonesian Muslims. Attempts to solve the Conflict There are basically three models of government that Indonesia can preside in; a democratic regime, a religious regime, and a democratic religious government. These different models lie in the ancient argument between the compatibility of democracy and political Islam (Berger, 1999). The traditional school of thought holds that democracy and political Islam are not compatible. It is a radical belief, that the “institutionalization of shura and ijma provides the state, which expresses the general will, with a normative role in making basic choices in people’s lives” (Safi, 2003). The idea that the state is now responsible for our salvation is now brought about as a result. As Safi (2003), explains “individual religiosity is transformed by the radicals into a communal public will, itself transformed into state control, both moral and political. This model involves the implementation of Shariah law and the transformation of an Islamic state. Scholars argue that this model is inherently inconsistent with the divine sources as Islam can only be understood through human reason; “the institution that emerges from that combination is not a theocratic state” (Berger 1999). This is an absolute model that demands exclusivity which stops short of a pluralistic understanding of Islam. It is the revisionist school of thought that believes that democracy and Islam are only compatible in an oppressive or despotic form of government. This is happens because in most countries in the Muslim world, democracy is only practiced as the giver of proper legality (Safi, 2003). So while these countries have democratic institutions, in reality none of these processes is really observed. This was evident in the New Order regime, where Suharto was at the apex of politics in Indonesia. It is in fact these forms of regimes that push people away from such institutions to a more radical form of a complete unity between state and religion; an Islamic state. The post-revisionist school of thought now holds that there are in fact two different ways to articulate Islam and democratic regime forms without transforming into an Islamic state. This view holds that the relationship between Islam and politics was “never premised on the so-called Islamic state or the comprehensive application of the Sharia” (Berger, 1999). It rejects exclusive reliance on the religious laws in order to confirm whether or not democratic religiosity is wrong (Sadri, Sadri and Soroush, 2002). This school of thought believes that the underlying choice should be made based on the society; because in a religious society an innocently secular government would be against democracy (Sadri, Sadri and Soroush, 2002). This school of thought, believes that the success of each models depend on whether the majority is a secular or a religious one. According to Berger (1999), the former believes in the European way of keeping political authority at bay from Islam while the latter calls for clarify the relations between Muslim and politics instead of either commenting the unity or totally fragmenting them. The first model believes in a secular democratic regime, whereby there is a clear separation between religion and the state. This is a valid model basically because many people believe that a democratic religious government will lack the humility to be accountable to people (Sadri, Sadri and Soroush, 2002). According to Berger (1999), Oppositions to the first model claim that “advocates of secularism will appear to be calling on their own societies to abandon their Islamic cultural and religious foundations.” They also believe that secularism came to “Islamic societies in the dubious company of Western colonialism and post-colonial hegemony.” (Berger 1999). On the other hand, the second model demands the clarification and specification of the relationship between Islam and political authority on the basis of an Islamic approach to secularism. In this model, the “protection of basic human rights, especially freedom of belief, expression, and association, is an Islamic imperative and not merely a requirement of international treaties.” (Berger 1999) One cannot forget that in democratic societies, religious tolerance is practiced, as “the path of examined religiosity is more open and inviting” (Sadri, Sadi and Soroush, 2002). Either way, one must understand that in order for both these models to work, democracy cannot adjust to religious understanding; it is religious understanding that should adjust itself to democracy. Beyond the obvious The description of constant unrests in Indonesia has always been rotating around one issue: Muslim religion. As stated earlier, the problem from a single religious unit has grown to be the most difficult puzzle that not even the smartest person in the country with his well thought- out and profound intelligent ideas can solve. This bid dilemma calls for a more rationalized, out of the norm idea so as to solve the rationalized and unprecedented turmoil that lingers in the lives of the world’s most populous Muslim country. I suggest that is time for us to change gears and look at the issue with an open mind; Indonesia as a country is in deep trouble as far as National democracy is concerned and, the USA is the world’s strongest country as far as democracy, economy and internal liberty is concerned. I the itching query about this should be: what does the USA have to with Indonesia? My idea is not at all based on the lines of Indonesia having to solicit for military assistance or any other donations of some kind from the world’s strongest country, no. If we take another direction and look at the current president to the United Sates of America, president Obama, we will discover that his connection to Indonesia is deep! As a matter of fact, Barack spent part of his childhood in Indonesia and, yes he was born to an Indonesian mother. Needless to mention, he previously had an Indonesian name; Barry Soetero. I think Barry Soetero was the guardian angel given to Indonesia so as to bring its deepest problems to an end. It is a fact that President Obama is also known as “Hussein”. This tells us that he has a Muslim background. Both Barry Soetero and Indonesia need not to be told that there is a clear indication of an easy way to solve the problem here. The Bombshell President Barack Hussein Obama is of an Indonesian Background. He also has a Muslim background. Currently is the president of the World’s strongest country ruling without any problems arising from religious clashes. Barack is a modernized Muslim ruling in a country with no Muslim backgrounds. President Barack Obama should therefore finish his term in the USA, then head back to his roots, apply for citizenship of which I am pretty sure he will get basing on his current friendly relations with Indonesia. Ultimately, he should plunge himself in to the Indonesian political landscape and vie for presidency. Basing on his roots being from Indonesia and him having a Muslim background coupled with good speech and a likable character he should win. Eventually o attainting presidency, he should channel American ideas that will help Indonesia attain a “super-power level” of democracy. In this regard, Muslim will be a peaceful religion, as peaceful as a second middle name (Hussein). The Islamic Identity in Indonesia will therefore have gotten its place without any bloodshed, and with the most suited ambassador of them all. Reference List Berger. L., P. (1999). The desecularization of the world: resurgent religion and world politics. Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. Fox, J., J. (2004). Currents in Contemporary Islam in Indonesia. Web. Gocher, J.,

Tobacco-Free Simon Fraser University Campaign Essay

Table of Contents Implementation Setting Target Population The Goal of the Program Main Components Reflection Implementation Setting The implementation setting for Tobacco-Free SFU is focused on the Simon Fraser University in British Columbia. Target Population The organization targets students of the Simon Fraser University, as well as the members of its faculty. The Goal of the Program The goal of the program is the adoption of a Tobacco-Free Campus policy, which would ensure that tobacco companies have no effect on the actions of the faculty, students, or any policymakers that may have power over the university. The policy would also prevent smoking outside of designated areas, and appearance of any tobacco marketing on in the area. Main Components The campaign is mostly focused on cigarette butt clean-up events, the creation of educational materials, lectures, and presentations on the negative impact of cigarettes on people’s health and the environment around them. Clean-up events were focused on the collection of cigarette butts and other related waste in the main areas of the SFU Burnaby campus. Such events involved the participation of multiple teams led by students. The event was promoted through social media. As a result, approximately 65,000 cigarette butts were collected, put into glass jars, and displayed in the university to raise awareness. Educational materials created by the organization are primarily presented as posters containing information related to tobacco waste reduction and impact of tobacco on the environment. The lectures included the participation of professional presenters on the issues of tobacco waste, as well as health and safety. Reflection Tobacco-Free SFU took a safe but respectable approach to health promotion. The materials created by its members were informative, and outside of poor visual aids, they were made with care and may have been successful. The most effective measure of health promotion performed as a part of this campaign was the tobacco waste clean-up day. It brought a relatively high degree of attention from the target population, and at the same time served the community the campaign was designed to benefit. The lectures that were performed as a part of this campaign appear to be well organized, and the use of qualified specialists as speakers brought a level of legitimacy to the campaign which is uncommon among student-organized efforts. However, it should be noted that the campaign did not succeed in its efforts to create a tobacco-free policy on the university campus. Nevertheless, the behavioral change desired by the campaign can be seen on campus and the world at large. Smoking is becoming a relatively rare activity and has since been largely replaced by the use of electronic cigarettes. The latter also resolved one of the most serious issues that the campaign was trying to address. The amount of tobacco waste such as ash and cigarette butts has decreased dramatically. While the program did not meet its main goal, it is difficult to consider it a failure. Perhaps with repeated events like the tobacco waste clean-up day, and promotion through social media, the campaign could have brought more attention to itself, and attracted people to the idea of a policy change on campus. The later events performed by the campaign were not as focused on policymaking as perhaps they should have been, but they served as effective awareness measures.

Grand Canyon University Benchmark Case Management & Different Strategies Essay

essay writing service free Grand Canyon University Benchmark Case Management & Different Strategies Essay.

The social worker must understand the working relationship and engagement process between the social worker and the client/consumer. For this assignment, review the case studies provided to you throughout the course. The case studies are located in the Topic 1 folder in MindTap.Select two cases in different settings (not including the case study/video you used for the Case Management Process assignment). Use these case studies to address the following in your essay:In 750-1,000 words, citing two to four scholarly sources, address the following:Describe the similarities and differences between how you would help the client/consumer as a friend in contrast to how you would support a client/consumer as a case manager for each case.Explain the strategies you would use as a case manager for each case.Next, describe the skills needed to thoughtfully engage your client/consumer through a change experience, keeping in mind cultural awareness, ethics, and client autonomy. As a social worker, what are the challenges you may experience and the biases you must be aware of for yourself as a social worker in each case?
Grand Canyon University Benchmark Case Management & Different Strategies Essay

ENG 1101 Cause and Effects Essay

ENG 1101 Cause and Effects Essay.

For this new essay, return to Essay 2 (Narration) and rethink it as a cause and effect essay. You explored an event and the buildup to it. But what caused that event to happen? And what was the effect or aftermath? Extend your essay by explaining the story in terms of cause and effect, and leave the narrative in place, possibly as a long introduction to the analysis you’ll perform to explain causes and effects. As you are working, take my feedback on your Essay 1 project and use it to create a new layer of descriptive detail so your described item is crystal clear and specific to your reader. This essay should be at least 750 words
ENG 1101 Cause and Effects Essay

Effects of Drugs and Dealing on Families and Communities

“Illegal drugs and the effects of drug dealing, drug use and drug addiction on families/communities”. Introduction As part of our introduction to research module, we have been asked to complete an annotated bibliography. The chosen topic we have decided on is ‘illegal drugs and the effects of drug dealing, drug use and drug addiction on families/communities’. The reason we chose this topic is because we are both hoping to become members of An Garda Síochána in the near future. After serving a number of years in the Gardaí we would like to join a specialized area in the Garda National Drugs and Organised Crime Bureau. Researching this topic will give us a better insight into some illegal drugs and their effects on individuals, families and communities. For this task, we have researched websites as well as looking at online journal articles because they are relevant to our topic. Baker, S. (2017). What Are the Long-Term Effects of Drug Use on Families?. [online] The Ranch at Dove Tree. Available at: [Accessed 31 Jan. 2019]. On this website, the author attempts to give us a better understanding into the effects drugs have on individuals and families and how they can cause a lot of strain on people. Reflecting on the disadvantages of drug use, the author explains how drugs can damage families and cause people to drift further away from loved ones. Baker explains how family members create diverse methods for addressing one another and the how the whole family intricacy can move to oblige the new difficulties drugs carry with them. Baker also talks about how drug use can cause a lot of psychological intensity to a person who may be extremely worried about another person who is the drug user, asking questions like where is he? For what reason didn’t he get back home? Baker also describes how this continuous stress on a person who is a drug user can lead to anxiety and depression. Bates, G. (2017). Drugs and Alcohol Ireland – The drugs situation in Ireland: an overview of trends from 2005 to 2015. – Drugs and Alcohol. [online] Available at: [Accessed 1 Feb. 2019]. From this online page, it is estimated that a drug user in Ireland will die each day due to an overdose. Geoff Bates, an author with ‘Centre for Public Health’ at Liverpool John Moore’s University examines deaths that have been drug related recording that between 2005-2014, 6,266 people lost their lives due to drugs. This is extremely disappointing because all of these deaths could have been easily avoided. The author presents a summary of patterns in the drugs circumstance in Ireland over a period of a decade referring to drug related deaths, drug related infectious diseases and drug supply and crime. Bates delves deep into the high risk of using drugs and the vulnerable groups who may fall into drug using such as prisoners or youths. Boys, A., Marsden, J. and Strang, J. (2001). Understanding reasons for drug use amongst young people: a functional perspective. Health Education Research, [online] 16(4), pp.457-469. Available at: [Accessed 1 Feb. 2019]. The authors from this journal examined the reasons behind young people taking drugs. Boys, Marsden and Strang did a study on 364 young people who had taken drugs during their lives. From the research, the authors found that the youths had taken drugs to unwind (96.7%), become intoxicated (96.4%), keep alert around evening time while with others (95.9%), improve a task they were undergoing (88.5%) and to overcome a discouraged state of mind (86.8%). This study clearly shows us that young people’s mental health is being affected and they are reaching out to drugs to relieve stress and anxiety they have. From our acknowledgment of this research, it should assist instructors and drug councillors make health messages about drugs more relevant and appropriate to general and specific gatherings of people. Brennan, C. (2018). Drugs in Ireland – what did we take before, what are we taking now?. [online] Available at: [Accessed 1 Feb. 2019]. Drugs in Ireland, especially of the illegal assortment have expanded consistently as of late, yet the insights propose that the sorts of substances we’re taking haven’t generally changed according to the author Cianan Brennan of Brennan outlines that the most generally utilized unlawful substances are cannabis (weed), ecstasy and cocaine. The author is aware that of those aged between 15-64 who have utilized an unlawful drug in their lifetime has expanded to a huge degree in the course of recent years. In 2003 drug use was at 19% and since then it has spiralled up to 31% in 2015, the latest study revealed. Brennan is outlining the worrying rise of drugs and if this continues the Gardaí could find themselves underpowered to cope with the rise of drugs. Fox, T. Oliver, G. and Ellis, S. (2013). The Destructive Capacity of Drug Abuse: An Overview Exploring the Harmful Potential of Drug Abuse Both to the Individual and to Society. ISRN Addiction, [online] 2013, p.1. Available at: [Accessed 31 Jan. 2019]. Throughout this website, the authors look at drug misuse from a general viewpoint. Fox, Oliver and Ellis are aware that substance misuse is a wellspring of significant concern, both for the users wellbeing and for society overall. They note that the UK has the most noteworthy rates of recorded illicit drug abuse in the western world with high rates of heroin and cocaine use. The authors note substances that are viewed as destructive are entirely controlled by an order framework that considers the damages and dangers of taking each drug. Experienced authors, they see drug misuse can be thought of in three sections that together decide the general mischief in taking it: (1) the immediate physical damage of the substance to the individual user (2) the inclination of the medication to incite reliance and (3) the impact of the drug on families, networks, and society. Freese, T., Miotto, K. and Reback, C. (2002). The effects and consequences of selected club drugs. Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment, [online] 23(2), pp.151-156. Available at: [Accessed 31 Jan. 2019]. From this online journal, the authors, Freese, Miotto and Reback discuss the less hardened drugs such as ecstasy, acid, ketamine and methamphetamine which are also known as ‘recreational drugs’ that are most commonly used at social gatherings such as festival’s. The authors explain that despite the fact that the pharmacological arrangements of these medications change, MDMA has basic a likenesses to both amphetamine (central nervous system drug) and the stimulant mescaline (LSD), which people may not realize. Ketamine and acid are linked to anaesthetics (loss of awareness) and methamphetamine (central nervous system drug) which are long-acting stimulants. For us, this is interesting because if working as Gardaí at a festival it shows the link between drugs and the areas of the body the drug is active in. Hennessy, M. (2018). How the recreational user becomes the small-time dealer in the eyes of the law. [online] Available at: [Accessed 1 Feb. 2019]. On this website about how a recreational drug user somehow becomes a small-time dealer, the author outlines to us how the Gardaí recorded 12,000 occurrences of ownership of drugs for individual use and 4,000 for intent to supply in 2017. This article explains that of those caught with drugs, the majority of them stated that they were only ‘recreational users’. The author, Michelle Hennessy states that the ownership of a controlled substance is illegal and punishment for individual use is normally a fine, especially if the substance is cannabis. Most guilty parties in these conditions can steer away from a criminal record, however this recreational use can have increasingly genuine ramifications for an individual in the event that they stray into ‘drug dealing’. Holland, K. (2016). ‘Dublin’s Heroin problem’. [online] Available at: [Accessed 1 Feb. 2019]. In this online newspaper article, Kitty Holland, an experienced social affairs correspondent points out the problems with heroin in Dublin with over 3,000 injecting addicts per month. Holland looks at the issues with not just using heroin but with the equipment that is been used to inject oneself such as abandoned needles, empty bottles and used tin foil. Holland recalls that at least one person will unnecessarily die from an overdose every day in Ireland which is frightening in our eyes. The author adds that there are many places in Dublin that are being used frequently such as Dublin Castle, Grafton street and Temple bar which are usually always filled with people most of the time. Horton, G. (2019). The Impact of Substance Abuse and Addiction on Families – Behavioral Health Of The Palm Beaches. [online] Behavioral Health Of The Palm Beaches. Available at: [Accessed 8 Feb. 2019]. In this article, the author explains how the substance abuser and their families suffer together, with the families sometimes suffering just as much as the abuser themselves. Although the abuser will suffer major physical effects, the family often share the emotional and mental effects of the addiction. The author also looks at how the structure of the family can affect how much of an impact that the addiction has on the family. Horton explains that a single parent family with the parent suffering from the use of illegal drugs can be a lot more detrimental than a family with a parent who does not engage in this activity. She concludes that every member of the immediate family is affected in some way or another. (2017). – Anti Drug Driving. [online] Available at: [Accessed 1 Feb. 2019]. Drugs have a massive impact on one’s ability to drive. The road safety authority’s (RSA) website states that it has been an offence to drive under the influence of drugs since the introduction of the road traffic act 1961. However, the new drug driving laws came into place on the 13th April 2017. Driving on drugs affects the driver in a way that he/she will not have proper control over the car. Referring back to the website, drugs can have a massive effect on driving. Drugs can slow down the driver’s reaction time and harm their visibility to see the road clearer. This is very useful information for us as hopefully some day we will be able to conduct road side drug tests on people who are driving illegally.