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Nevado Del Ruiz Volcano Eruption

Mustafa Ameen Nevado Del Ruiz volcano Introduction: The volcano is a phenomena that occurs at several kilometers depth of the huge plates that form the Earth’s surface, causing a hole in the crust through which the expulsion of molten lava and ash, and gases. Volcanic activity usually produces a cone-shaped Obinna picturesque periodically erupts in a violent way, and some can be very explosive eruptions, such as the volcano Nevado del Ruiz. Nevado del Ruiz volcano has erupted 23 times during the past two million years. Geologic Location: Nevado Del Ruiz is located on the border between the provinces of Caldas and Tolima in Colombia, part of the Andes mountain range, overshadowed the town of Armero, part of Los Nevados National Park natural, 129 km west of the capital Bogota. Its Longitude is 4.9°N / -75.32°W. Nevado del Ruiz falsehoods within the Ring of Fire, in the region of active volcanoes that encircle the Pacific Ocean, as shown in Figure (2). It is the third in the far north region of Andean volcanic belt which contains 75 of the 204 Holocene age volcanoes in southern America. It is worth mentioning that the production of this volcanic belt is under the continental plate of South America by eastward subduction of the Nazca oceanic plate as shown in figure (1). Figure (1) how tectonic plate movement and subduction has created this volcano Figure (2) Nevado del Ruiz volcano location on the map Type of Volcano: Nevado Del Ruiz is a composite volcano, that also known as a stratovolcano or a composite cones, this volcano have gentle lower slopes, but get very sheer near the summit, which give this volcano the cone like shape. So that Composite cones are created by a mixture of explosive activity and lava flows. Nevado Del Ruiz has an overall andesitic and dacitic structure that made of layers (strata) of hardened lava, volcanic ash and tephra. Nevado Del Ruiz also has a layered appearance with alternating pyroclastic, lava, mad and debris flows, and also this volcano is created by an oceanic to continental convergent boundary. The structure layer of this volcano is given in Figure (3). Figure (3) The structure layers of Nevado del Ruiz Eruption Style: Nevado del Ruiz is a stratovolcano forms at convergent plate margins, and its steep slopes of the summit and a small hole is amazing. Is an explosive, and usually generates Plinian explosion and has been active for the two million years ago. It is well known as composite cones for the emergence of a cone shape and several layers of lava alternating with stiffness volcanic ash and other lava rocks. Stratovolcanoes form in convergent plate margins, and its steep slopes of the summit and classifications are surprisingly small. The eastward subduction of the oceanic Nazaca plate beneath the South America continental plat is produced the Andean volcanic belt. It results in the production of dacitic lava, as well as volcanic andesitic rocks. These lava flows and lava cancel everything in its path, and travel for miles. Output is a lot of debris and ash from the volcano also erupts when. Landslides are one of the most lethal consequences of this during the eruption. As hot lava flowing on the undersides of the volcanic crater it causes a quick melting of snow and ice, which generates a very large floods that sweeping nearby valleys. As a result of mixing these floods with waste and debris floods and soil, increasing the density and volume to form very hot lahars with a thickness of approximately 50 meters and is moving at 50 km per hour. When sweep populated areas lead to the downfall of thousands of deaths in addition to the mass destruction of these areas. Figure (1) A photo of the volcano Nevado del Ruiz Eruption history: The first eruption of Nevado Del Ruiz was in 6660 BC and most recently in 1985 in the Arenas Crater. The first explosion historically documented in 1570 while its biggest eruption occurred in 1595. In 1845, the volcano erupted as a result of a large earthquake and caused a considerable mudflow which ran down the valley of the nearby river (Lagunillas River) for approximately 70 km. Its spilled out in the river channel and killing much of the local people again. The most famous and most recent eruption occurred in 1985 which regarded as the worst volcanic disaster in the 21st century in South America, where they have caused the following casualties: Approximately 23,000 people were killed in Armero From the population of 28,700 Around 5,000 people were injured. About 5,000 homes were destroyed. The whole town was swamped with mud up to 40 meters thic. The mad was traveling at speeds of 50km/h in which it swept the town away. This eruption was the fourth largest single-eruption in death toll whole the history. The volcano activity is very limited since 1985 deadly explosion. The latest eruption occurred at 22 Feb 2012 and stopped at 10 April 2013 without any casualties. Table (1) gives summary of the eruption dates of this volcano. Table (1) Summary of eruption dates of Nevado del Ruiz [6]. No. Start Date Stop Date Eruption Certainty Evidence Activity Area or Unit 1 2012 Feb 22 2013 Apr 10 Confirmed Historical Observations Arenas Crater 2 1994 Apr 23 1994 Apr 23 Uncertain 3 1985 Sep 11 1991 Jul 13 Confirmed Historical Observations Arenas Crater 4 1984 Dec 22 1985 Mar 19 Confirmed Historical Observations Arenas Crater 5 1916 Unknown Confirmed Historical Observations 6 1845 Feb 19 Unknown Confirmed Historical Observations Arenas and La Olleta craters, R1 tephra 7 1833 Unknown Uncertain 8 1831 Unknown Confirmed Historical Observations 9 1829 Jun 18 Unknown Confirmed Historical Observations 10 1828 Jun Unknown Confirmed Historical Observations 11 1826 Unknown Uncertain 12 1805 Mar 14 Unknown Confirmed Historical Observations 13 1623 Unknown Confirmed Historical Observations Near Arenas Crater 14 1595 Mar 9 Unknown Confirmed Historical Observations Arenas Crater, R2 tephra 15 1570 Unknown Confirmed Historical Observations Arenas Crater? 16 1541 Unknown Uncertain 17 1350 Unknown Confirmed Radiocarbon Arenas Crater, R4 tephra 18 0675 Unknown Confirmed Radiocarbon Arenas Crater, R5 tephra 19 0350 Unknown Confirmed Radiocarbon West flank, La Olleta, R-6 tephra 20 0200 BCE Unknown Confirmed Radiocarbon Arenas Crater, R7 tephra 21 0850 BCE Unknown Confirmed Tephrochronology Arenas Crater, R8 tephra 22 1245 BCE Unknown Confirmed Radiocarbon ENE flank 23 6660 BCE Unknown Confirmed Tephrochronology Arenas Crater, R9 tephra Was it inevitable that so many people died/were injured? Could more have been done to save the people/ property? The eruption signs can be predicted for some time before the outbreak of the volcano. Weeks later scientists were monitored the volcano using seismographs. Several maps were provided over a month before the eruption to illustrate the danger zones of the volcano, which showed that Armero area is clearly at high risk. But unfortunately, some unusual facts recognized, which are: 1 – People weren’t taken these maps very seriously and weren’t circulated thoroughly accurately. 2 – Many of the people in the city are unaware of these maps. 3 – Many citizens in Armero were unable to read. Committed many quiet starts when a major eruption, because of reassuring messages that were sent by each of: 1 – The mayor on the radio. 2 – The local priest of the Church by addressing the audience. However, it is the Red Cross to evacuate the city. But after a brief period of time evacuation, ash stopped falling. Storm occurred and blocked the top of the volcano that made citizens unaware of what happens from the outbreak of lava. Authorities have warned that the eruption will be moderate with great danger for Armero with a very high probability of the mudflows. Unfortunately, government officials have refused this report and have declared their unwillingness to evacuate the population while making sure of its necessity. If government officials have taken the report warning seriously for the town could have been evacuated, then far fewer people would have been injured. How we can prevent such damage and death if this volcano erupts again? There are a lot of methods to protect towns and cities from lahars. In which these include: tunnels, alternate channels, and concrete structures. In which some have been succeed and others have not. The experiment provided that the best preventative measure is to build and establish a highly sensitive warning system. These warning systems include seismometers, which pick up the signal from the lahar as it moves to the bottom of the valley and rain gauges that accumulate water and warning when the formation of avalanches is possible. As it has been shown through the Nevado del Ruiz volcano warning systems are not sufficient. Also lines of communication and evacuation plans must also be established because the damage may not be avoidable but earlier warning thanks to better communications would empower people to be evacuated to higher ground. Conclusion Nevado del Ruiz is one of the most dangerous volcanoes in the world. It is affected by several factors, namely, the composition of the magma core, the temperature, and the amount of dissolved gases it contains. It is believed that the atmosphere and the ocean evolved gases emitted by volcanic eruptions. Its eruptive period was begun 150 thousand years ago. These facts are enough reasons for igneous activity to warrant our attention. The government must take some procedure to protect its citizen for the next volcano eruption. References:
Saint Leo University Corey Manufacturers Strategic Plan Excel Worksheet.

After period 4 in the simulation, students are required to submit a three-year strategic plan that will cover the remaining 3 years. The simulation will resume once these plans have all been submitted. Preparation of a 3-Year Strategic Plan involves: 1. Stating a strategic vision for the company in a brief paragraph 2. Establishing financial objectives for total revenue, profits, cash flow, and stock price appreciation for each of the next three years 3. Declaring what strategy the company will employ 4. Presenting data showing that the chosen strategy is either currently on track or will require substantial internal changes 5. Preparing a projected income statement that lays out expected unit sales, revenues, costs, and profits for each of the three geographic regions for the each of the next three years
Saint Leo University Corey Manufacturers Strategic Plan Excel Worksheet

The Tourism Trends In Mauritius Tourism Essay

The Tourism Trends In Mauritius Tourism Essay. Nowadays tourism has become the major focus, mainly for small developing countries which have an effect on local people in terms of socio-cultural, environmental and economical impacts. Resident’s perceptions are very important and there is a need to understand how these perceptions can contribute towards tourism development. The reason of this study is to provide a theoretical background for assessing local people attitudes on the impacts of tourism development in Bel Ombre, Mauritius. Tourism and sustainable development are interrelated; and has been usually identified with the fast rising demand of tourists acting together with the natural environment. Tourism has the capability to protect as well as to destroy a destination. Studying the impacts of tourism is a critical element of accepting how tourism affects the economy, socio-cultural and environment aspects in Mauritius. A well elaborated literature shows the character of the main interaction of tourist and host, uniqueness of host-tourist relationship and their connection with the impacts generated by tourism development. Researchers were more interested towards the interaction between the tourists and the local people. Though, there are preceding studies that have considered the issue from tourist perspective. To achieve the purpose of this study a questionnaire was designed and a survey was undertaken among the local residents. Concerning the analysis part, quantitative approach was useful and the aim and objectives were related to the majority of relevant literature. 1.2 Problem statement The main reason for doing this study is because tourism is one of the major sectors in many countries, including Mauritius, with the highest growth potential. It is the world’s largest employer and one among the major sources of substantial foreign exchange earnings (Blank, 1991; Richards, 2003; Mwandosya, 2007). It is through this observation that many people believe that the industry is well placed as one of the major means through which development of local communities can be achieved (Scheyvens, 2002; Beeton, 2006). One approach to enhance this development through tourism is to involve local communities and ensure that their potential role is tapped and maintained through active participation in the industry (Beeton, 2006). It is imperative to note that involvement and participation of these communities is central to the sustainable development of the industry not only because tourism has had a close connection with the local communities, particularly as hosts and guides (Scheyvens, 2002), but also because “the destinations of tourists are communities and it is in the community that tourism happens” (Blank, 1989 p.115). Participation is a process through which stakeholders, among them the local communities who are often the intended beneficiaries of community tourism, influence and share control over development initiatives and the decisions and resources which affect them (Havel, 1996). Participation, therefore, seeks collaboration or partnerships and the commitment necessary to ensure sustainability of tourism development initiatives (Wolfensohn, 1996). Paradoxically, the outcomes of participation are usually a reflection of a certain level of involvement of relevant stakeholders in the decision-making process which in turn enables people to make informed commitments to a particular tourism project (Havel, 1996). According to Akama (1999) as cited in Manyara and Jones (2007, p.629), “local communities are hardly involved in tourism development” and they are usually without a voice in the development process (Havel, 1996). This situation according to Mbaiwa (2005) is contrary to the principles of sustainable tourism development which, among other things, emphasize the involvement and participation of local communities. 1.3 Aims and Objectives of the study The aim of this study is to assess the resident’s attitudes and perceptions about the impacts caused by tourism development in Bel Ombre. The objectives of the study are: To assess the extent of local people’s perceptions and attitudes in the tourism development To assess the positive and negative impacts of tourism development To assess the extent of local people’s involvement and participation in tourism development in their local areas To investigate if local people are aware of the impacts of tourism development. 1.4 Tourism trends in Mauritius Since the 1990s, Mauritius adopted economic reforms aimed at establishing a market-based and private-sector-driven economy that marked significant growth in many sectors of the country’s economy. Such reforms for example, helped to improve the performance of the country’s tourism industry and enhanced growth of the sector through improved marketing and promotional campaigns, improved tourism services, improved air access to Mauritius, accommodation facilities, and other tourism supporting infrastructures. More specifically, growth in the Mauritian tourism industry can be measured by looking at the trends in tourism receipts, tourist arrivals, tourism annual growth, number of hotels and hotel rooms, contribution of the sector to country’s GDP, and direct jobs created by the industry. To give a clear picture of the performance of the tourism industry in Mauritius and to be able to gauge the achievements already realized by the industry. While the tourism industry continues to be one of the key foreign exchange earners in Mauritius, the industry depends primarily on the flow of international tourists to the country. The country’s main source markets are Britain, Germany, the United States, Italy, France, Spain, and some new markets emerging around China and Asian countries. The majority of international tourists come to Mauritius for cultural, adventure and beach resort all together making Mauritius a quality destination. It is, however, interesting to note from the statistics below that, in Mauritius, earnings from international tourism have grown more rapidly than tourist arrivals in nominal terms due to the to promote Mauritius as a high quality destination. Arguably, the increasing tourist numbers to Mauritius may be a convincing indication of increasing opportunities for local communities to earn revenue from tourism and these revenue opportunities could eventually contribute significantly to greater local interest in the development of the industry (Victurine, 2000). Table 1:- Tourist arrivals, nights and receipts, 2009 – 2012 Year Tourist arrivals (Number) Tourist nights (000) Tourism receipts 1 (Rs million) 2009 871,356 8,639 35,693 2010 934,827 9,495 39,456 2011 964,642 9,730 42,717 3 2009 1st Qr. 232,908 2,250 10,265 2nd Qr. 180,596 1,791 7,984 1st Semester 413,504 4,041 18,249 3rd Qr. 195,381 2,280 7,436 4th Qr. 262,471 2,318 10,008 2nd Semester 457,852 4,598 17,444 2010 1st Qr. 249,971 2,943 11,021 2nd Qr. 189,179 1,855 8,788 1st Semester 439,150 4,798 19,809 3rd Qr. 207,506 2,275 8,358 4th Qr. 288,171 2,422 11,289 2nd Semester 495,677 4,697 19,647 2011 1st Qr. 262,626 2,960 11,949 2nd Qr. 201,978 1,975 9,355 1st Semester 464,604 4,935 21,304 3rd Qr. 209,779 2,325 8,845 4th Qr. 290,259 2,470 12,568 3 2nd Semester 500,038 4,795 21,413 3 2012 2 1st Qr. 261,995 2,950 13,768 3 2nd Qr. 205,158 2,010 9,780 1st Semester 467,153 4,960 23,548 Source: 1.5 Outline of Study Chapter 1- Introduction This chapter gives an overview of the study and the outline of the dissertation. It includes the introduction, problem statement, aims and objectives of the research. Chapter 2- Literature Review The literature review entails the theoretical background; the main aim in writing this is to assess existing literature related to the study, what other researchers have done, including empirical evidence to provide a foundation to the study. It consists of all the theoretical aspects like the perceptions and attitudes of local people towards tourism development. The impacts of tourism development are also discussed along with how the community participation can reduce or increase these tourism impacts. Chapter 3- Methodology This comprises of the methodology of how the research was conducted, the questionnaire design, method used to collect the data, sampling techniques used, the data analysis and limitations of the study. Chapter 4- Results and Discussions In this chapter the data collected through the use of questionnaires, will be analysed by making use of graphical, mean and standard deviation. Package for the Social Science (SPSS) Software was used to make these analyses. Chapter 5- Recommendations and Conclusions The last chapter identifies the possible solution to come across for the problems of the poor involvement of locals. The perceptions of residents on the impacts generated from tourism development, thus leading to the conclusion of the project. CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Introduction This chapter seeks to address a number of issues related to community involvement and participation in the tourism industry by examining some key points emerging from various studies, reports and other sources of information. It starts with a discussion about the perceptions and attitudes of host community towards the impacts of tourism development. Some critics about Doxey Irridex Model and Butler Tourism Area life cycle will also be discussed. The chapter also identifies factors which influence local communities and attract their participation in the tourism industry. It continues with a discussion about the tourism impacts that arise due tourism development in a small community. The chapter concludes by highlighting key issues raised by the literature that form the basis of this research. 2.2 Sustainable Tourism Development Sustainable tourism development (STD) is a long-term approach that cultivates economically viable tourism without harming residents’ environment or society while simultaneously ensuring fair distribution of costs and benefits (DBEDT, 2006a). Decisions are based on economic, environmental, and cultural impacts; how wealth is generated and distributed; and the relative power and interactions among the stakeholders (Bramwell, 2006; Twining-WardThe Tourism Trends In Mauritius Tourism Essay

Policy on Refugees and Integration in Costa Rica

term paper help COSTA RICAN GOVERNMENT POLICY ON REFUGEE AID AND INTEGRATION INTRODUCTION: THE AMBIGUOUS STATUS OF THE REFUGEE AND COSTA RICA The problem of the refugee originates as a peculiarly twentieth century phenomenon. The displacement of peoples from the very borders that delineate states presented a historical challenge that threatened the integrity and the essence of the latter. As the philosopher Giorgio Agamben abstracts the pertinence of this problem: “Every time refugees no longer represent individual cases but rather a mass phenomenon (as happened between the two wars, and has happened again now), both these organizations and the single states have proven, despite the solemn evocations of the inalienable rights of man, to be absolutely incapable not only of resolving the problem but also simply of dealing with it adequately.”[1] For Agamben, this inadequacy of the treatment of the refugee problem, despite the international consensus on the existence of the human rights of the refugee, is intimately tied to the theoretical shortcomings of the notion of the Nation-State itself; there is a consistent rupture in the functionality of the Nation State when confronted with the anomaly of the refugee, i.e., when a subject is separated from his/her state, this subject becomes a “disturbing remainder” that other states find it difficult to account for. Thus, insofar as the refugee denotes a certain failure of the Nation State to protect its citizens/non-citizens, the case of the refugee denotes the limit of the State. Nevertheless, despite the tension between the notions of the refugee and the state that ground their relationship, there is an attentiveness to this problematic (evinced in Agamben’s own remark), demonstrated by the general consciousness of the existence of the refugee. Hence, regardless of any discerned policy inadequacies, there still exists a concerted effort to address the problem. The success of various refugee policies certainly may be evaluated, e.g., as with Agamben’s negative evaluation. In the case of Costa Rica, its treatments of the refugee crises that began in 1980s Central America was an example of some moderate successes, or at least, the desired mobilization of a state’s capabilities via governmental policy towards the refugee cause. However, this mobilization encountered its own distinct problems, over-determined (following Agamben’s abstraction of the problem) by the irregular status of the refugee him/herself. The successes and failures of Costa Rica’s refugee policy is a particularly significant case study for numerous reasons. To the degree that there was a concerted effort from the Costa Rican officials to alleviate the refugee crisis, the shortcomings relate not to Costa Rica’s negligence of this crisis (thusly indicating the direction of an evaluation of this policy in terms of a general apathy on the part of Costa Rica), but the opposite: it is this very effort that provides a compelling case for an analysis of a refugee policy in terms of its affectivity and its limits. That is, Costa Rica’s attempt to rectify their refugee problem, rather than ignore it or deal with it in a manner that undermines the notions of the “rights of man”, provides an excellent paradigmatic case for the possible indexing of refugee policy. It is because of this very commitment to alleviating the problem that Costa Rica, despite any subsequent further critiques regarding the details of their refugee policy, is recognized by the international community as having advanced a fairly successful policy in regards to refugees. As Tanya Bysok notes “Costa Rica is often cited as a model for refugee settlement.”[2] However, this is not to suggest that the Costa Rican approach is flawless. Whilst some policies of the Costa Ricans have been recognized as effective by social scientists, this praise does not diminish the evident gaps in the Costa Rican policy. In this paper we shall examine the Costa Rican treatment of the refugee and attempt to understand how the refugee was integrated/or non-integrated into Costa Rican society. This analysis will be concerned with Costa Rica’s approach; however, whilst there was a clear Costa Rican governmental policy, a significant factor in the Costa Rican case is the large presence of foreign organizations that were encouraged to participate in a possible refugee solution. Thus, because of the Costa Rican openness to a diversity of aid organizations and volunteers offering support, the qualitative analysis of the success/failures of the Costa Rican approach cannot merely be attributed to the Costa Rican government itself. Whilst this encouragement of international participation may be logically viewed as an autonomous gesture of the Costa Rican government, it can also be construed as Costa Rica’s self-acknowledgement of having been fundamentally overstretched in terms of its capabilities to handle the problem. Secondly, this analysis shall be supplemented with an anonymous questionnaire of former refugees in Costa Rica, in order to introduce a non-theoretical personal discourse within the parameters of our text. The method of the questionnaire is placed into the paper to act as a balancing point with the theoretical evaluation. The emphasis on the notion of testimony, a form of empiricism all its own, forwards an account of the Costa Rican policy that evaluates the country’s treatment of refugees from a theoretical standpoint, while also acknowledging the power and significance of such a testimony. COSTA RICAN REFUGEE INTEGRATION ANALYSIS The genesis of Costa Rica’s refugee problem may be preliminarily abstracted as a matter of geopolitical positioning. Costa Rica occupied a hazardous place within Central America in the 1980s. The relative stability of Costa Rica was contrasted by the neighboring conflicts in El Salvador, Panama, Guatemala, Nicaragua and Honduras: The 1980s evinced a certain explosion of such geopolitical and ideological tensions in Central America, from which Costa Rica was spared. As Martha Honey notes, the Costa Rica of the 1980s “appeared to be an oasis of tranquility”[3] It is this status of a certain “oasis” in Central America, that evidently yielded Costa Rica’s refugee problem: as a stable nation, it represented the “destination of choice” for refugees seeking to avoid war in their native lands. Costa Rica’s stability as a source for refugees has continued in the time period since the beginning of the 1980s. Yet the refugee that Costa Rica encounters now is substantially different: “Refugees coming into Costa Rica today tend no longer to be from Central America but instead the vast majority are from Colombia. Many are middle-class, urban professionals.”[4] Thus, by no means is the refugee in Costa Rica a homogeneous figure. The wars across Central America in the 1980s that led to such displacement are no longer a significant factor in present Costa Rican refugee policy. The Costa Rican encounter with the phenomenon of the refugee begins in 1980 with increasing hostilities in the neighboring country of El Salvador. The immediate reaction of Costa Rica’s treatment of this refugee influx distinguished itself from other nations such as Honduras. Whilst Honduras’ policy favored the internment of the Salvadorian refugees in camps, Costa Rica from the outset emphasized the process of making the refugee self-sufficient; they sought to sever any dependency of the refugee on the state apparatus itself, while simultaneously integrating the refugee into Costa Rican society. These two approaches immediately evince a lucid difference in treatment. In the case of Honduras, this treatment may be viewed as an isolationist approach, insofar as the site of the camp becomes the home of the refugee – it does not represent a zone of inclusion, but rather one of suspension – moreover, it is an implicit acknowledgment of Honduras’ government inability to deal with the phenomenon of the refugee, placing the refugee in a certain no-mans land, as it waits for the conflict in the home country to cease. In contrast, the Costa Rican emphasis on autonomy and self-sufficiency denotes the acceptance of the refugee immediately into its boundaries. We can abstract this difference in terms of a synchronous thinking and a diachronous thinking. In the case of Costa Rica, the policy does not introduce the phenomenon of two times, i.e., waiting for the war to stop – rather, the interruption of the refugee experience is directly addressed, through a minimization of this interruption that is a policy of refugee inclusion in Costa Rica. On the other hand, in the Honduran approach, two times are articulated, a wartime and a non-war time. There is no possible mediation between the times; there is only a case of transition and thus, a passivity on the part of the government that is then transferred to the refugee him/herself – this interruption that is the refugee “event” determines the entire Honduran policy. In essence, Costa Rica attempted to establish the continuity of the refugees’ life, allowing for the possibility of a normalcy to remain in the face of a crisis. Such initial successes of the Costa Rican programme may be attributed to a certain history of human rights discourse that emerges in the country, i.e., that Costa Rica was conducive to internationalism in its support of UN programmes and its own creation of international approaches. This historiographical element is significant to understanding the immediate difference of Costa Rica from its neighbors, as it stresses a historical Costa Rican commitment to human rights. As Alison Brysk notes, “Costa Rica qualifies as a “global good Samaritan” because its record of human rights promotion is enduring and multifaceted, and it makes a meaningful contribution to globally significant initiatives.”[5] Hence, Costa Rica’s Good Samaritan status is derived from its fidelity to such initiatives on both a regional and global level. Among its contributions, Costa Rica was involved in the peace negotiations that ended three regional civil wars, while also functioning as the seat for the Inter-American Court of Human Rights of the Organization of American States (OAS). On the international level, Costa Rica was involved with international organizations such as serving at the initial prepatory conference for the founding of the United Nations, while also initiating the UN Childern’s Fund. These historical contributions of Costa Rica may be construed as establishing a certain tradition within Costa Rica that made it more receptive to the specific demands of the refugee influxes that began in the 1980s. Thus, from an ideological perspective, there was nothing in the Costa Rican state ideology that would be adverse to the refugee; rather, the ideology was committed to human rights from its outset. This tradition may help to understand the initial successes of the Costa Rican programme. In the initial stages of the refugee problem in the 1980s, because of such an international tradition of Costa Rican policy, there was no shortage in the country of foreign and international refugee organizations that participated in the alleviation of the crisis. As Basok summarizes these contributions: “A number of government and voluntary agencies have participated in refugee settlement [in Costa Rica]. They include local branches of such international organizations as Caritas, the Episcopalian church, and the YMCA. In addition, refugees themselves formed a number of voluntary organizations in the hope of assisting their compatriots. Apart from providing emergency aid to refugees, the UNHCR has also financed most of the refugee urban projects. Financial assistance has been provided by other international NGOS as well.”[6] The plurality of non-governmental actors demonstrated a Costa Rican openness to the refugee crisis. Moreover, the possibility of refugees themselves forming aid organizations demonstrated a certain autonomy of the refugee within Costa Rica; despite the loss of nationality that is the refugee displacement, the refugees were granted a freedom to organize and assemble regardless of their anomalous status. These international organizations were also complimented by Costa Rica’s own approach, which has been termed as the “durable solution” model, emphasizing integration of refugees into the country of asylum. As an unpublished UNHCR document describes this durable solution model: “Self sufficiency projects are the ultimate aim of UNHCR as they allow the refugees to become independent of emergency assistance and be productively integrated in the receiving community. In the under-developed countries with serious unemployment problems, self-sufficiency projects offer the best alternation for the refugee’s work problem. For the receiving country, these durable solutions are a contribution to the national economy, particularly the projects which include both nationals and refugees.”[7] Costa Rica’s commitment to what the UNHCR deemed as the most effective program for refugee crisis further explicates the traditional openness of Costa Rica to international consensus, whilst concomitantly identifying Costa Rica’s desired integration of refugees. The UNHCR’s evaluation further acknowledges the durable solution as beneficial to the new country of the refugee itself: the influx of labour sources provided a boost to the national economy of Costa Rica. Thus, Costa Rica’s commitment to the durable solution model may be viewed as both a commitment to international law and the notion of human rights, whilst also a policy decision how to utilize the refugee crisis for the benefit of Costa Rica itself. Nevertheless, what may be termed as Costa Rica’s “comprehensive solution”, insofar as it incorporated the UNHCR’s preferred model while simultaneously allowing for the participation of foreign organizations, nevertheless encountered specific problems. Primarily the non-organizational model’s intervention into the refugee problem was problematic: “The results, however, were less than satisfactory. In 1985 it became evident to the UNHCR that less than half of the 152 projects registered with government agencies were still active. Most of the others had failed.”[8] The infectivity of the multiplicity of organizations according to the quantitative data of the UNHCR tends to suggest that the approach of “a strength in numbers”, i.e., multiple organizations engaging in the refugee crisis, was unsuccessful primarily because of a lack of cohesion. Inasmuch as the Costa Rican intent was essentially one of “no aid is bad aid”, this ultimate failure speaks to a certain consistency needed between organizations, in order better to establish links between groups, and affectively address the grounding problem, that of the refugee him/herself. This bureaucratic entanglement between organizations as detrimental to the refugee is easily discernable from the perspective of the refugee him/herself; because a plurality of organizations exists, the refugee is caught in a bureaucratic system, with no connection to the Costa Rican government itself. This serves as an impasse to the desired integration. This collapse of the various international programs led Costa Rica to attempt a more autonomous policy that would be regulated by the government, therein optimistically hoping to marginalize the previous failures through a centralization of refugee policy. This centralization would enable a consistent discourse of the durable solution to emerge in the Costa Rican space. As Ed Mihalkanin notes “After the failure of many of the international and domestic refugee projects, the Costa Rican government tried to integrate refugees into already existing jobs.”[9] By Costa Rica directly addressing the problem, this focusing of the remit of refugee policy could better serve the goal of integration: as the refugees are located in Costa Rica, the most efficient means towards integration would be to have the government directly involved in the refugee process by opening economic opportunities to the refugee. This shift reflects a certain fundamental ambiguity at the heart of the general theory of refugee policy. While, prima facie, the plurality of non-governmental organizations that operated in Costa Rica to alleviate the suffering of the refugee may be viewed as a logical step, inasmuch as it emphasizes giving aid to refugees in light of any possible limits to the capabilities of the Costa Rican government, this approach simultaneously suspends the notion of an integration into Costa Rican society. That is to say, if integration is the ultimate goal of Costa Rican refugee policy, such integration can only be engendered by the direct intervention of the government itself, as the government is ultimately congruent with Costa Rica. From this perspective, the collapse of the aid programmes emanating from various international sources may be viewed, in actuality, as a step towards a more direct involvement of the Costa Rican government in the refugee problematic, in terms of a more strident form of integration. This strident form would be necessary if the Costa Rican government would become the primary instrument for refugee aid in the nation, as opposed to the organizational plurality. Nevertheless, after the general failure of the international aid programmes, charity organizations, etc., the new Costa Rican government initiative itself faced various de jure issues that prevented the establishing of a greater remit for refugee aid. As Mihalkanin writes, at times Costa Rican laws actually prevented refugee aid, despite any best intentions of the Costa Rican government. This was the case regarding Costa Rican employee law: “Yet very few work permits were issued since by law only ten percent of a firm’s workers can be foreigners.”[10] Thus, the attempt to integrate refugees into the Costa Rican labour force already met opposition in a pre-existing law that marginalized the possibility of foreign workers in Costa Rica. As Mihalkanin notes, despite the intent of both the government to integrate the refugees and the employers’ will to aid the refugees by giving them work, this shared movement encountered a double impasse: the de jure situation of the labour law, coupled with the de facto situation of employers, whom, although giving refuges a workplace, could not register the workers because of the law. Therefore, any type of de jure integration of these refugee workers who were already working in Costa Rica, was not possible because of the law; despite their labour power, and one must conclude, the desire for this labour source, the separation between the de jure and the de facto situation prevented this opportunity at integration. What occurred then is simply a missed opportunity, a miscommunication between government and private sectors, the latter wholly receptive to the influx of refugee workers, but whose hands were metaphorically tied by the Costa Rican law. This problem of the limits of aid in the sphere of labour relations also extends into the basic human rights of Costa Ricans, such as health care: insofar as health care is available to refugees in Costa Rica, access is limited from both a temporal and financial perspective. As a UNHCR report from 2003 noted, “in Costa Rica, access to social security services is universal, which means that everyone, regardless of nationality, is entitled to health coverage at a very low cost.”[11] Nevertheless, the caveat here is that “refugees and asylum seekers are entitled to free healthcare cover during their first three months in Costa Rica.”[12] This leads to an immediate problem facing refugees after the three month period of coverage has elapsed; as Gloria Maklouf Weiss, Director of ACAI (Asociación de Consultores y Asesores Internacionales), a UNHCR partner in Costa Rica recapitulates this problem: “some refugees are in such economic hardship that they cannot pay even the very small monthly fees.”[13] Thus, considering the situation of the refugee, the three-month time limit appears insufficient for health care coverage. The securing of an employment opportunity in Costa Rica within this same three-month period would have to be a concomitant aim of a programme; otherwise, the benefits of the Costa Rican health care policy are severely limited by the refugees’ inability to generate capital. On this point, the separation of the spheres of employment and healthcare impede the abilities of the refugee to begin a life in Costa Rica; insofar as employment and healthcare are considered as distinct issues, the benefits of healthcare are separated from the refugee labour force. The weakness therefore in this aspect of the policy is not anticipating the contiguity between employment integration and the possibility of health care. It is examples such as these incongruities in the law and policy of Costa Rica itself that failed to provide a comprehensive programme for its refugees. Thus, whilst Costa Rica’s position as a stable country remains “attractive” to refugees in a time of crisis, various gaps in the system prevented a comprehensive plan to address the phenomenon. QUESTIONNAIRE The data in section 2.0 regarding Costa Rica’s history and policy approach to the refugee crisis only provides one side of the picture. This theoretical analysis of Costa Rican refugee policy, considering the constraints on any discourse of this style, is to be supplemented by a questionnaire submitted to four former refugees in Costa Rica. Whilst the sample size of the questionnaire is admittedly small, the necessity of its inclusion rests on a theoretical significance given to the notion of testimony in an effort to verify or contradict the reading provided of Costa Rican refugee policy. The prejudice of the academic discourse is to be alleviated through the survey presentation; thus, the purpose of the questionnaire is based on a theoretical value attached to testimony and the attempt to provide a more complete picture of the refugee policy of Costa Rica. Because of sensitivity to the time concerns of the participants and because of issues with the English language, the questionnaire was deliberately simple and limited to four questions. 1. question How would you describe the conditions in Costa Rica upon your arrival from your country of origin? Scale Number of answers Very good 0 Good 1 Middle 2 Bad 1 Very bad 0 2. question How receptive was the Costa Rican government or the various international organizations to your needs? Scale Number of answers Very receptive 0 Receptive 1 Middle 3 Not Receptive 3 3. question How would you assess the possibilities for employment and integration in Costa Rica? Scale Number of answers Very Good 1 Good 2 Bad 1 Very Bad 0 4. question Do you think Costa Rica has a good refugee policy? Scale Number of answers Yes 3 No 1 I don’t know 0 Else what: 0 QUESTIONNAIRE ANALYSIS While the sample size is admittedly small, and the nature of the questions direct, the data of the questionnaire would seem to indicate a moderate level of satisfaction with the Costa Rican refugee policy. The option for the refugees in Costa Rica appears to be beneficial; the majority of answerers expressed that integration and employment possibilities were available in Costa Rica, whilst also noting the receptivity of the various refugee organizations to the concerns of the refugees. It is germane to note that the questionnaire deliberately avoided inquiring into the personal history of the participants, in respect for ethics and the privacy of the participants. While this may be construed as detracting from the accuracy of the questionnaire, as it brackets out some of the personal histories involved in the participants, the aforementioned ethical position of protecting privacy was taken as paramount. Rather the questionnaire was to function as a cursory testimonial survey of Costa Rican refugee policy, and thus, while no means a complete account, it does indicate that the Costa Rican option for refugees was more positive than it was negative. CONCLUSIONS The difficulty of the refugee problem primarily lies in the problems it engenders vis-à-vis the traditional structure of the State, which relies for its function on the notion of citizenry. Inasmuch as human rights become an international imperative, the anomalous appearance of the refugee conflicts with the traditional State model. This tension is however a source for the production of new approaches to the refugee problematic. Costa Rica’s position in the ravaged Central America of the 1980s placed the nation into a role of a paradigm case for refugee policy. The Costa Rican approach must be commended at the outset for its commitment to human rights and the welfare of the refugees. The intent of the Costa Rican policy therefore must be viewed in a positive light. However, the complications that arose from the refugee crisis provide valuable data and source material for the possible improvements of refugee policy. Costa Rica’s acceptance of foreign, international and non-governmental charitable organizations to alleviate the crisis, whilst helping the refugees on the “terrain”, actually hindered the successful integration of these refugees into Costa Rican society, inasmuch as these organizations, as non-Costa Rican entities, actually created a further distance between the refugee and the Costa Rican state. Moreover, once the majority of these organizations had failed, the Costa Rican government was left to complete the so-called “durable solution.” The impasses to the “durable solution” may be traced to employment and economic laws of the Costa Rican state, laws which were unable to successfully meld with the desired “durable solution.” It is various de jure factors, despite the overall Costa Rican government intent and the intent of the private sector to integrate refugees through employment, which hindered the affectivity of this solution. Nevertheless, Costa Rica is still referred in some academic literature as an excellent example of a refugee policy. This seems to be supported by the anonymous questionnaire that was a part of our research; the questionnaire, while its sample size is admittedly small, nonetheless offers a certain support to the notion that Costa Rica was more effective than not regarding the refugee experience. Thus, whilst there are problematics in the policy of Costa Rican refugee integration, it is nevertheless a paradigm from which numerous positives can be drawn, whilst also providing a better insight into the impasses that may present themselves in such a policy: hopefully these cases, will yield a better approach to the difficult notion of the refugee in the future. BIBLIOGRAPHY Giorgio Agamben, “We Refugees”, accessed at: Tanya Basok, Keeping Heads Above Water: Salvadorean Refugees in Costa Rica McGill Queen’s Press: 1993. Alison Brysk, “Global Good Samaritans? Human Rights Foreign Policy in Costa Rica”, in: Global Governance, Vol. 11, 2005. Martha Honey, Hostile Acts: U.S. Policy in Costa Rica in the 1980s, University of Florida Press: 1994. Ed Mihalkanin, “Refugee Aid, Displaced Persons, and Development in Central America” in: Refugee Aid and Development, Greenwood Press: 1993. UNHCR, “Health Fair in Costa Rica gives refugees much needed medical care”, March 6, 2006, accessed at: 1 [1] Giorgio Agamben, “We Refugees”, accessed at: [2] Tanya Basok, Keeping Heads Above Water: Salvadorean Refugees in Costa Rica, pg. Xvii. [3] Martha Honey, Hostile Acts: U.S. Policy in Costa Rica in the 1980s, pg. 4. [4] UNHCR, “Health Fair in Costa Rica gives refugees much needed medical care”, March 6, 2006, accessed at: [5] Alison Brysk, “Global Good Samaritans? Human Rights Foreign Policy in Costa Rica”, in: Global Governance, Vol. 11, 2005. [6] Basok, pg. Xviii. [7] Basok, pg. Vi. [8] Basok, pg. Xviii. [9] Ed Mihalkanin, “Refugee Aid, Displaced Persons, and Development in Central America” in: Refugee Aid and Development, pg. 90. [10] Mihalkanin, pg. 90. [11] UNHCR, accessed at [12] UNHCR, accessed at [13] UNHCR, accessed at

Karthik PPT HR – I need a power point presentation on the below topic

Karthik PPT HR – I need a power point presentation on the below topic.

Every slide needs to include 100 words in the Notes section. Your slides should be combined as one presentation. Only one (1) group member needs to upload the presentation. You must use at least one reference, in addition to your book. You need to use in-text citations. Your in-text citation and your reference (on your reference slide) must be in APA format.Topic for PowerPoint PresentationThe Civil Right Rights Act of 1964. Each group member will pick a topic and thoroughly discuss the chosen topic. You should tell (1) why it is important, (2) how it has impacted the workforce, and (3) if that topic has impacted you.NOTE: Min of 5 slides per each part (1, 2, 3) with references separately.
Karthik PPT HR – I need a power point presentation on the below topic

MPA 533 UOP Week 3 Leading Organizational Change In The Public Sector PPT

MPA 533 UOP Week 3 Leading Organizational Change In The Public Sector PPT.

Assignment ContentCreate a 10- to 12+ Microsoft® PowerPoint® slide presentation excluding the Title, Summary and Reference slides illustrating a workplace experience in which a conflict arose.Describe the sources of the conflict.Include the physical surroundings, communication styles used, the culture, who was involved, and the different motivations.Identify which leadership methods were used to resolve the issue and why you think the methods were used.Explain what solutions you would have recommended and why. Explain what you would have done differently.Include an agenda slide after the title slide informing the audience of what information is being presenting.Include a summary slide before the reference slide recapping the main pointsInclude a reference slide at the end with at least 4 peer-reviewed sources, one must be one of the course texts Include detailed speaker notes on ALL Slides as if you were presenting a live presentation.Use complete sentences, with correct grammar and punctuation, include references and citations where neededProvide an informational yet interesting and professional PowerPoint Review the posted Rubric for additional assignment requirements and expectations.
MPA 533 UOP Week 3 Leading Organizational Change In The Public Sector PPT