Indiana Wesleyan University Social Service Agencies as Healing Communities Report.
Getting Started24And let us consider how we may spur one another on toward love and good deeds, 25not giving up meeting together, as some are in the habit of doing, but encouraging one another—and all the more as you see the Day approaching.Hebrews 10:24–2512Therefore, as God’s chosen people, holy and dearly loved, clothe yourselves with compassion, kindness, humility, gentleness and patience. 13Bear with each other and forgive one another if any of you has a grievance against someone. Forgive as the Lord forgave you. 14And over all these virtues put on love, which binds them all together in perfect unity.15Let the peace of Christ rule in your hearts, since as members of one body you were called to peace. And be thankful. 16Let the message of Christ dwell among you richly as you teach and admonish one another with all wisdom through psalms, hymns, and songs from the Spirit, singing to God with gratitude in your hearts. 17And whatever you do, whether in word or deed, do it all in the name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks to God the Father through him.Colossians 3:12–1721Submit to one another out of reverence for Christ.Ephesians 5:21ResourcesBibleVideo: Love Like Breathing: Background InformationSocial service agencies can be busy places. There is paperwork to complete, meetings to attend, phones ringing, and people coming and going. In today’s world of technology and heightened safety protocols there may also be protective glass windows, buzzing doors and electronic phone answering systems. Or if you are using telehealth technology there may still be people coming and going, background noise, etc. All of this adds to the noise and chaos that may be a part of agency life. Unfortunately, there can also sometimes be cranky receptionists, annoyed service staff or clinicians that are impersonal or in a hurry. All of these things can make clients feel unimportant or create additional stress or sensory triggers for sensitive clients. Healing and restoring environments like the ones God calls us to create send a different message and provide a place of welcome and grace. Imagine if your agency had a culture like the one described in the passages above where people “spurred each other on to love and good deeds”, encouraged one another, were compassionate, kind, humble, gentle, patient, grateful and submissive to one another instead of ending up in power struggles. Picture yourself for a moment in this kind of place. How would you feel? How would it help you to grow as a person? What would it mean for your relationships with others?Many of our clients come from very stressful, challenging, depriving or hurtful environments. As you consider these passages this week, think of ways you can begin to create a more positive, gracious and healing environment in your agency and in your relationships with clients and others as you do your work.PrayerGod, thank you that your desire for us is to be a part of loving and encouraging communities. You know much more than we do that it is only through loving relationships with You and others that we change and become more of who You made us to be. Show me this week how I can add grace, compassion, encouragement and emotional safety to my work and placement site so that the people I serve can have a safe place to grow. In Jesus name. Amen.InstructionsReview the rubric to make sure you understand the criteria for earning your grade.OPTIONAL: Listen to the music video, Love Like Breathing.Navigate to the threaded discussion and respond to the following discussion questions:
The 1911 Revolution is an event which continues to divide historians. Debates rage as to whether it was truly a revolution, whether it was an event or part of an ongoing process, and whether it was merely a military coup or truly paved the way for socialism to flourish in the world’s most populous nation. These questions are relevant to the issue of whether the 1911 revolutionaries had a coherent plan as to how to politically structure China had their mission to take power been successful. Many believe the revolutionaries to have had little idea as to how to govern and structure China, the revolutionaries’ support being based on nationalism and anti-Qing fervour as opposed to a solid manifesto of ideas as to how the country should be governed. Some historians maintain however, that the revolutionaries did have ideas and intentions about governing the country, though these obviously did not come into fruition as planned. The primary intention of the revolutionaries was to rebuild China as a republican state, and position it as the high point in the development of democracy. Whether these intentions were truly realistic or merely a utopian dream can be debated, but their intentions were relatively clear. What is certain is that the 1911 revolution was underpinned by a strong anti-Qing spirit which had captivated almost all of the Chinese heartland. The imperial system of the Qing dynasty was largely considered to be anachronistic, and as the revolution occurred, only the Northern rural states of China remained loyal to the Qing.  A sense of nationalist revolutionary zeal captivated the country, as it became apparent that the era of empire had come to an end, and regarded that the Manchus were no longer fit to rule China. Whether one belongs to the revolutionary school of thought which sees the revolutionaries as heroes sacrificing themselves and struggling against the odds, the Marxist school of thought which sees the revolution as ‘a “bourgeouis” phase of rebellion against a backward and “feudal” monarchical despotism,’ or the Western school of thought which regards the revolution as a phase of conservative social change, there is no denying that the primary motivation of the revolutionaries was to overthrow the Qing dynasty, the emperor and his courts.  The long term goal of the revolutionaries was always to overthrow the Manchu ruled Qing empire, and they used significant nationalist rhetoric to voice their antipathies, terming the Manchu rule, ‘the national disgrace,’ and vowing ‘to restore the Chinese.’  This was the primary political intention of the 1911 revolutionaries, and with such an explicit goal, it seems almost unthinkable that the revolutionaries did not have a realistic plan as to how to govern the country and lay the political structure in the event that their mission to overthrow the Qing empire was successful. In reality of course, while the dynasty fell, the Emperor was removed and his courts abolished, many aspects of governmental structure remained in place, and ‘many of the old Qing bureaucrats simply stayed in their jobs.’  The imperial political structure may have collapsed, but the revolution ultimately failed to produce a new and effective political system, which is something of a paradox given how strongly the revolutionaries were committed to overthrowing the Qing dynasty. Whether they truly had a coherent plan as to how to structure the nation politically is questionable, and the historical consensus is that they did not, and were perhaps more divided than united, with the main source of unity within the Revolutionary Alliance coming from a nationalistic desire to overthrow the Manchu rule of the Qing, rather than a consensus as to how to structure a replacement government. The Revolutionary Alliance, or Tongmenghui, was an amalgamation of various anti-Manchu groups that had existed previously, largely made up of radical students, intellectuals and anti-Manchu elites. The organisation was never truly united however, with members being loyal ‘not to the central leadership but to the local leaders of the various regional groups… the looseness of the structure inevitably encouraged a factionalism that was further compounded by ideological and political struggles.’  The alliance was internally divided, being ‘dominated by rivalries between provincial factions and by personality clashes,’ which invariably made decision making and ideological direction extremely difficult.  When the decision was made by Japanese students to appoint Sun Yat-Sen as president of the alliance in 1905, it was made on the expectation that his experience and relationships would bring stability to the party. In reality, ‘far from identifying with the party, Sun Yat-Sen tried to make the party identify itself with him.’  Ultimately, while Sun Yat-Sen emphasised the name of the Revolutionary Alliance when making deals, his appointment did little to unite the movement, and if anything divided it further by creating another faction, and presenting a further alternative methodology. With relevance to political intentions however, the Revolutionary Alliance were, to a large extent, united by a desire to bring a Republican form of government to China as opposed to the imperial model in place under the Qing dynasty.  This was ‘central to their demands,’ and thus while it is true that the alliance was highly divided by factionalism and internal disputes, the desire to establish a republican form of governance was a central demand which united the movement.  The idea of bringing a democratically elected republican form of governance to China was conceptualised by Sun Yat-Sen in his philosophical work the Three Principles of The People, the second of which was democracy.  The Three Principles were first mentioned by Sun Yat-Sen in 1905, the same year the Revolutionary Alliance was founded, and ‘in the years leading up to the 1911 revolution, the doctrine of the Three Principles of the People was diffused by the People’s Journal and became the charter of the Revolutionary Alliance.’  In the manifesto of the Revolutionary Alliance from 1905, a republican form of government is one of the four main policies of the party, and in the later revised version of the Three Principles, Sun states, ‘Our Revolutionary Party advocates a struggle, not for liberty and equality, but for the Three Principles of the People. If we can put these Three Principles into practice, we will have liberty and equality. True liberty and equality stand upon democracy and are dependent upon democracy,’ an impressive illustration of how committed the revolutionaries were to the Three Principles.  The manifesto states, ‘Now our revolution is based on equality, in order to establish a republican government. All our people are equal and all enjoy political rights. The president will be publicly chosen by the people of the country. The parliament will be made up of members publicly chosen by the people of the country.’  From the very start of the Alliance, the concept of republican democracy was deeply entrenched, to the extent to which their manifesto stated, ‘A constitution of the Chinese Republic will be enacted, and every person must abide by it. Whoever dares to make himself a monarch shall be attacked by the whole country.’  The aim of the manifesto was to create a break with the past, and effectively tell China that never again would the dynastic system or a monarchy be restored. In terms of how the new Chinese republic would be structured, the manifesto appears to put forward a system which takes ideas from the American republican system, the British parliamentary system and even Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Social Contract theory. The plan was to implement an American style constitution that all must abide to, with a President and a Parliament to keep each other accountable, and form a system of checks and balances. However, specific details about how these institutions would be structured and how they would function are somewhat lacking to say the least. Granted the manifesto was written in the year the Revolutionary Alliance was created, but it is nevertheless extremely vague with regards to the specific details of how republicanism would be implemented. Despite this, it is clear that from the very earliest stages of the Alliance that a republican form of democracy was at the very forefront of their minds. Equally at the forefront of the revolutionaries minds however was the third of the Three Peoples Principles, the principle of livelihood, or socialism.  Establishing a republican form of government was one of the four points of the 1905 Manifesto of the Revolutionaries, but another of the points was equalizing land ownership. From the earliest stages of the T’ung Meng Hui, a commitment to socialism was present, with the ultimate aim of creating ‘a socialist state, where each family within the empire can be well supported, each person satisfied, and no one fail to secure employment. Those who dare to control the livelihood of the people through monopoly shall be ostracized.’  From the very origins of the party, the commitment to socialism was present, with the plan being to ‘bring about proportional distribution of the land.’  However, an understanding of Marx at the time was limited, with the 1906 Chinese translation of The Communist Manifesto being far more poetic and less violent than the German and English translations.  The famous conclusion to the Communist Manifesto, ‘The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Working Men of All Countries, Unite!’ emerged in Chinese as ‘Then the world will be for the common people, and the sounds of happiness will reach the deepest springs. Ah! Come! People of every land, how can you not be roused.’  Sun Yat-Sen himself acknowledged that the theory of socialism had only recently become known in China, and that its ‘chief advocates usually limit their knowledge of this tendency to a few empty words, without having any definite programme.’  However, while knowledge of socialism at the time was relatively limited, the Revolutionaries, and Sun Yat-Sen himself had quite possibly the most detailed understanding of the subject, with in depth plans of how to organise a socialist society discussed in both the 1905 Manifesto and the Three Principles of the People. The Revolutionaries were ultimately an amalgamation of various ideologies, and while they believed in establishing a republican form of democracy, they were also committed to equalising the distribution of land and eradicating inequality within society. Both were highly institutionalised within the alliance. With the principle of a republican form of democracy so deeply entrenched within the alliance, the question which follows is why was this form of government not implemented swiftly, and why was Yuan Shikai able to seize power and establish a dictatorship? In truth, while the Three Principles did form the framework of the Revolutionary Alliance, only the first principle of nationalism was ‘unanimously accepted by the revolutionaries,’ largely because at the time it was understood as ‘opposition to the Manchu dynasty,’ which all those joining the revolutionaries were in favour of.  While most members of the Revolutionary Alliance were ‘completely committed to the idea of a republican revolution,’ the movement was not entirely united by a desire for republicanism. There were others within the alliance who ‘were drawn to terrorism and preached the use of assassination,’ and others still who saw the alliance’s aims as being primarily economic, with the intention to release China from ‘the economic stranglehold of the West and Japan.’  The alliance was an amalgamation of people with various ideologies, many of whom saw the alliance as having primarily non-political functions, though while a republican form of government did not entirely unify the movement, the majority of its members were committed to republicanism, so the view that such a government was not implemented because the alliance was divided is insufficient by itself. The question that follows is whether within the alliance there was enough expertise with regards to both republicanism itself and governing a state as large as China. As mentioned previously, the manifesto of the Revolutionary Alliance in 1905 preached republicanism, but was vague on the specific details, and there is little evidence to suggest this situation had changed by 1911. Sun Yat- Sen, ‘despite his vague planning and many failures… was kept going by his energy, persuasiveness, and the virulence of his hostility to the Qing,’ in other words, his skills as a leader were based more upon charisma than experience, his ability to inspire rather than his expertise.  Ultimately though, to suggest Sun Yat-Sen’s vagueness and lack of a developed plan for implementing republicanism was the reason it was not implemented swiftly is grossly unfair. Indeed, the plan all along had been to implement a fully fledged republicanism only after experiencing prior stages of martial law and military government. The implementation of republicanism was the third stage in an ongoing process, which shows that Sun was conscious that republicanism could not be implemented overnight.  The plan was to implement republicanism nine years after the initial removal of the Manchus, a significant, but necessary gap between the old and new regimes. The significance of nine years may have come from the Japanese example, ‘for in 1881 the Meiji emperor had promised a parliament for 1890,’ a Prime Minister in actuality being implemented a year earlier than expected in 1889.  Sun Yat-Sen had always proposed a three stage process of establishing a republic in China, ever since the Manifesto of the Revolutionary Alliance in 1905. During the first stage of military law, the military government would ‘lead the people in eradicating all traditional evils and abuses,’ and in the second they would ‘give the power of local self-government to the people while retaining general control over national affairs.’  This idea of the revolution occurring in stages appears to be heavily influenced by Marxism, and the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat.  For both Marx and Sun Yat-Sen, a transitional stage of dictatorship was necessary before the respective dreams of a Socialist or Republican state could be realised. However, the stages of martial law and military government did not really occur as Sun Yat-Sen expected, and to understand why, the historical course of the 1911 revolution must be examined. The Revolution itself did not go as Sun Yat-Sen had planned, largely due to the fact that he was not present in China as events unfolded; instead he was ‘on a fund-raising trip in the United States.’  Rather than being able to oversee the events as they unfolded, he only found out about the revolution that he had spent so long trying to initiate ‘in a newspaper on a train outside of Denver.’  No senior members of the Revolutionary Alliance were present at the time, and thus when the revolutionaries gained control of the city of Wuchang, where the revolution began, on the morning of October 11th 1911, they had no leader! With Sun Yat-Sen in America, the temporary centre of the 1911 Revolution was established in Chicago, where Sun stated that, ‘the revolutionary adherents in Chicago expected the overthrow of the Chinese dynasty and the establishment of a provisional republican government.’  This suggests that although Sun was out of the country, he still expected the revolution to be a success in terms of bringing republicanism to China. The early stages of the revolution were successful in military terms for the revolutionaries, and ‘the battle results showed strong anti-Qing winds, with defeat following defeat.’  As the revolution progressed, ‘New Army troops were joining the old scholarly gentry, rich merchants, and returned students from Japan to declare the beginning of the republic,’ and by the end of November 1911, ‘fifteen provinces had seceded from the Qing dynasty.’  Conflict continued however, and with Qing loyalists and revolutionaries still embroiled in conflict, the decision was made in early December 1911 to offer Yuan Shikai the presidency of the new Chinese republic. The decision was made by Huang Xing, who was effectively Sun Yat-Sen’s co-leader during the revolution, and is crucial in terms of explaining why a republican form of government was not implemented in China following the 1911 Revolution. Yuan Shikai was the most powerful Qing official at the end of the dynasty, and was extremely influential in implementing both domestic and military reforms during the final decade of Qing rule.  While not a Manchu, he was highly significant in the Qing Empire which the revolutionaries were so desperate to abolish, and yet still got offered presidency of the new republic on a plate. The historical consensus as to why this happened was, ‘the revolutionaries agreed to this in order to stop the fighting as quickly as possible to forestall the possibility that foreign powers in their treaty ports and concession areas might take advantage of the unrest to increase various kinds of imperialistic pressures and demands.’  The decision was somewhat rushed, and in terms of implementing a functioning, efficient republican system of government, is probably the most significant mistake the revolutionaries made. While the threat of foreign imperialist powers taking advantage of China’s position was a realistic possibility, Yuan Shikai ultimately never supported a system of republicanism, and so as China entered a new era in its history in early 1912, it did so with a ruler who was an official in the government the revolutionaries had worked so hard to remove. As we now know, this arrangement did not work, and Yuan Shikai’s legacy is one of almost universal condemnation, being regarded as a traitor to the revolution by Chinese Marxist historians, and gaining the title of “father of the warlords.”  However, at the time he did receive praise, with the American ambassador to China, Paul Reinsch, reporting that he was, ‘very cordial and genial in his manner… nothing escapes his eye… he evidently has a grasp and mastery of details.’  There is also little doubt that he was a strong character, and one of the failures of the revolutionaries is their inability to convince Yuan to push forward with their 1905 manifesto demands. A primary issue was the fact that very few official positions were given to revolutionaries, and those that were, were relatively insignificant posts. The revolutionaries missed out on ‘crucially powerful posts like minister of finance or minister of the army,’ and the token positions given to Revolution Alliance members were epitomised as ‘Sun Yat-Sen was named national director of railroad development.’  Yuan’s political ideals were ‘order, control and rigid devotions to regulations,’ which raised conflict with the republican political system he inherited, which he saw as being ‘too messy, too disorderly, too spontaneous and so completely unpredictable that it could not in reality serve as a solid base on which to build the reforms that would make a new China.’  Whether he favoured a strong centralised government because he truly wanted to be able to pass reforms swiftly that were in the national interest or merely just wanted to gain as much power as possible is debateable, but what is certain is that he did not favour a system of republicanism with political parties, and representative bodies at national, provincial and county levels, and this was shown as he abolished all assemblies in 1914, a year after Song Jiaoren, party leader of the Guomindang (the political party which arose out of the Revolutionary Alliance) was assassinated on his way to form the first government of republican China, under highly suspicious circumstances.  While China’s first experiment with democracy was a failure, had it not been for the assassination of Song Jiaoren and the establishment of Yuan Shikai’s dictatorship, the subsequent history of China may have been considerably more stable, peaceful and secure. Nevertheless, with relevance to the revolutionaries’ aims to structure the country, much can be learned from China’s brief flirt with a republican form of democracy. The revolutionaries’ plan, according to their 1905 Manifesto, had of course been to establish a republican form of government in China in three stages, but the immediate establishment of assemblies, political parties, and an American style Congress suggest that in practice the stages of martial law and military control of government had effectively been skipped. Of course, martial law could be implemented from above by a political party in control of the military, but the fact that National Assembly elections in 1912 happened in the first place suggest that this was not the plan. And while not favoured by Yuan Shikai, assemblies were established, albeit briefly, and a fully partisan political system of democracy and national elections was put in place. While several restrictions on who was eligible to vote were present, this short period was, in terms of political freedoms, the most liberated the people of China had ever been.  In terms of Guomindang party policy at the time, it is unlikely that the party produced an election manifesto with policy pledges for the 1912 elections, and therefore perhaps the closest thing to a contemporary Guomindang manifesto is the 1923 rewriting of Sun Yat-Sen’s famous work, The Three Principles of the People. In terms of the political intentions of the post-1911 revolutionaries, the second chapter on democracy sheds light on the ideal form of republican democracy they were aiming for, and it was a system, not just of democracy, but of a very direct democracy in which the citizenry had extensive rights in terms of influencing domestic politics. On the system of representative democracy, established in France, America and England following their respective revolutions, Sun states, ‘nevertheless that system does not mean direct and equal rights for all citizens, such as we are fighting for to-day.’  For Sun, there were ‘four fundamental clauses’ which constituted what he saw as ‘direct electoral right,’ and those were, ‘the franchise for all citizens,’ which certainly was not the case in the 1912 elections, ‘the right of recall,’ meaning that officials elected by the people could be dismissed by them at will, ‘the right of referendum,’ which would come into effect when the legislative body passed a law ‘contrary to the wishes of the citizens,’ and finally ‘the right of initiative,’ which meant the citizens could propose draft laws, ‘to be carried and adopted by the legislative body.’  This shows that the dream Sun Yat-Sen had was to transform China into not only a republican democracy, but into a radical and innovative form of direct democracy. Sun speaks highly of Switzerland in this work, and admires it for being an example of a nation of mingled races, united despite linguistic and ethnic differences.  With regards to its democracy however, he states, ‘As regards democracy I have already said that in Switzerland democracy has reached its highest point of development; but at the same time the system of representation prevailing there does not constitute real democracy, and only the direct right of the citizen fully answers to the requirements of democracy.’  Sun therefore had the very ambitious plan of establishing China as the new high point in the development of democracy. Furthermore, he advocated a very different way of establishing democracy than Western nations had previously done.  For Sun, the people of China ‘must realize that political democracy is not given to us by nature; it is created by human effort,’ and in the context of China, this meant that the Guomindang, ‘must create democracy and then give it to the people, not wait to give it until the people fight for it.’  This is in contrast to Western nations, which he sees as generally having to fight for democracy through revolutionary struggle. The radical view put forward by Sun is that the Chinese must differentiate between sovereignty and ability, something the West failed to do, leading to an attitude of hostility to government. What this meant in practice was, ‘the foundation of the government of a nation must be built upon the rights of the people, but the administration of government must be entrusted to experts. We must not look upon these experts as stately and grand presidents and ministers, but simply as our chauffeurs, as guards at the gate…’ which meant that sovereignty was in the hands of the people who could remove their elected leaders at any point, but those with the vision to lead the country had the ability to do so.  This was a radical and new work in the realm of political philosophy that for Sun, would avoid the issues of hostility towards democracy that Western states faced. While there is an issue of context in comparing Sun Yat-Sen’s 1923 work to the works that inspired the revolutionaries prior to the 1911 Revolution, it is of course worth remembering that it is a new, or rather a final version of the 1905 Three Principles of the People, and therefore the same ideas are prevalent, and thus provides a good understanding as to what the revolutionaries would have planned to do had the revolution gone to plan. One issue that arises when examining Sun’s plans to implement referenda, the right of recall and the right of initiative to China is the issue of feasibility, in other words whether such plans could be implemented in a country as vast as China. Many will look at the plan of organising a referendum involving an electorate of nearly four hundred million and claim that it is simply impossible to organise a vote on such a large scale, especially when the frequency of referenda may occur whenever the populous are significantly opposed to a government policy. The administrative costs of organising votes on such a scale, potentially on a regular basis, would inevitably be astronomical. Similarly, the issue of deciding which issues were selected for initiative would be difficult to implement fairly, and even implementing a system of recall for locally elected representatives would be costly in a state as vast as China. In short, it is difficult to see how these radical direct democratic initiatives could be implemented efficiently in a nation as large as China. Ultimately the political intentions of the revolutionaries failed to come into fruition due to events in the course of the revolution, primarily the mistake made in giving Yuan Shikai th
Table of Contents Introduction Research Methodology Selected Samples Impact of the Study Findings in Light of Other Studies A Deeper Look Conclusion Introduction There are a number of research methodologies that can be used for carrying out an investigation. The type of methodology chosen for use depends on the nature of the topic or question to be covered in the research. These methodologies may either be quantitative or qualitative in nature. Meta-analysis is a method which involves the statistical arrangement of all existing and related studies on a given subject matter of interest. This is usually with an aim of determining the collective findings of the particular investigations. The approach seeks to provide a comprehensive solution to major issues/concerns. The essay summarizes Chapter 3 of the book titled, School Leadership that Works from Research to Results. Research Methodology The chapter covers the primary research methodology that was used by the authors. Meta-analysis was the type used in this particular study. It is a technique that uses quantitative approaches during the synthesis of a study in a given domain. Well structured questionnaires were used where teachers were expected to give their perceptions of the principal’s leadership behaviors. The authors sought to investigate a very sensitive domain of leadership. They were interested in studying school leadership as practiced by principles. The study involved an analysis of very crucial data which had been collected and analyzed by other researchers. The authors considered any and available study findings from 1970 to those which have been done lately. The authors Marzano, Waters, and McNulty did a meta-analysis of about 69 leadership studies. All the studies were concerned with the relationship that exists between a given school’s principal leader and that of the achievement of the student. These studies included those done since 1978 to 2001. Selected Samples It is important to note that a number of studies met these outlined criteria. However, not all of them could be included in the analysis process. This is because, according to the authors, the studies dealt with leadership “styles”. These styles are general categories of leadership character and behavior that are based on some predetermined theory. The chapter provides an example of a study conducted by Evans and Teddlie (1995) who examined the relationship that exists between the initiator, manager, and responder styles of leadership and overall student achievement in schools. Get your 100% original paper on any topic done in as little as 3 hours Learn More Another study conducted by High and Achilles (1986) sought to find out the relationship between the following styles and school achievement: referent, expert, enabler, coercer, legal authority, norm setter, and involver. These studies have been acknowledged as providing very useful perspectives as far as leadership and school achievement is concerned. However, the authors did not use them during their meta-analysis due to their broad representation of behavior categories. In fact, they themselves were actually found to be summaries of more specific behaviors. Since the main purpose of the study was to identify specific types of leadership behaviors, the authors focused on researches that considered specific behaviors that had not been crumpled into very broad categories. It is evident from the chapter that there has been a small yet significantly growing collection of literature investigating the usefulness of the principal’s influence as far as gifted and talented programs are concerned. The authors of the book have included the findings as well as conclusions of all these studies/literature. Impact of the Study The authors analyzed each of the study and a correlation between general leadership and student achievement was computed or drawn directly from the study. A total of 69 correlations were obtained which represented the relationship between general leadership behavior and student academic achievement. Findings in Light of Other Studies the authors observed that their average correlation of.25 between principal’s leadership and student achievement is much higher compared to that reported in a meta-analysis conducted by Witziers, Bosker, and Kruger (2003). Theirs’ was a correlation of.02 which indicated that there was no relationship between leadership and student achievement. Several factors contributing to the disparity in the findings are identified. A Deeper Look the authors stress the role of the results obtained from meta-analysis studies. That the results should never be an average; it should be a graph, as pointed out by the founder of modern meta-analysis. This is to facilitate a wider range of correlations from various studies of meta-analysis. We will write a custom Coursework on The Meta-Analysis Method specifically for you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Conclusion It is evident from the chapter that meta-analysis presents a great opportunity to collect a mass of related material that address a specific topic or issue under investigation. The authors of this book, through meta-analysis, were able to establish the relationship between the principal leadership in a school and the achievement of students.
Describe a time and place when you experienced a relationship or group atmosphere that was positive, loving and encouraging. What specific ways did people act that made it feel this way? How did you change as a result of being in this situation? How did it affect your relationship with God?What is the current atmosphere of the agency you are in for your placement? Identify two or more positives about the environment and how it can help clients. Identify two weaknesses about the environment and what you think can be done to help it be a safer more healing atmosphere. Be specific about actions the agency could take to make improvements.
Indiana Wesleyan University Social Service Agencies as Healing Communities Report
Virginia Commonwealth University: Past and Future Research Paper
Citation Quest for Distinction. 2011. Web. Summary This source contains the university’s major goals, vision, mission and a brief account of the plan to achieve VCU’s aims. The source provides insights into the present and the future of the educational establishment. Core values of VCU are accountability, achievement, collaboration, freedom, innovation, service, diversity and integrity. VCU will achieve its strategic goals through paying special attention to talented and diverse educators and students, encouraging students to discover and innovate, providing scholarships and improving students’ creative expression and quality of life, achieving the national recognition in the field of clinical research. The university will also address a number of institutions that will implement analysis of VCU’s performance. This will enable the university to make sure that it manages to achieve the goals set. Key Points The university aims at obtaining a place among top universities specializing in the clinical research (“Quest for Distinction” 3). This unveils the future of VCU as it is clear where the university is heading. VCU will enhance its students’ performance through its commitment to its major values (“Quest for Distinction” 4). Students of the university will share such values as commitment, creativity, diversity, social and environmental responsibility. VCU will achieve its goals through investing into human capital, its innovative infrastructure, efficient fiscal resources allocation, resource stewardship (“Quest for Distinction” 10). These strategies will enable the university to become one of the leading schools within several years. The plan implementation will be divided into the following stages: review of the goals and previous progress, setting strategic priorities and budgets, approving the plans and budgets, review of the progress, assessment of the progress (“Quest for Distinction” 11). Key Quotations “We will… hold ourselves accountable to the highest of standards in teaching, research, and service” (“Quest for Distinction” 2). This quote includes the major goal of the university and provides insights into the future of VCU. Get your 100% original paper on any topic done in as little as 3 hours Learn More “The diversification and expansion of resources is a vital action required for the success of our new vision” (“Quest for Distinction” 3). The quote unveils some of the major tools the university will use to achieve its goals. Citation Peifer, K. “Does Walmart on VCU Campus Mean the End of Grace Street as We know It?” Richmond Times-Dispatch 2014. Web. Summary This article dwells upon the changes that are taking place in Richmond and the role VCU plays in this process. This source focuses on the present of the university. The author stresses that development of VCU was beneficial for the city as many people were attracted by new opportunities the successfully developing university offered. The author shares some memories on the way the city looked like in the 1990s. It is noted that there is certain commercialization of the city and the campus. However, it is also concluded that these changes are still beneficial for the city as well as the university since people have also changed and the new environment is more suitable for them. Key Points The growth of VCU has positively affected Richmond, which is now a modern university city, where thousands of students gain education and acquire new acquaintances (Peifer 1). The city is changing and the university’s alumni may miss the old parts of the city as well as campus, but this is life and the past should remain in the past (Peifer 2). The changes may be seen as commercialization of the city as well as the campus, which is quite a natural course of event in the modern society (Peifer 3). However, people are also changing and, hence, the changes in the university are beneficial as the university (as well as the city) can respond to modern people’s needs (Peifer 4). We will write a custom Research Paper on Virginia Commonwealth University: Past and Future specifically for you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Key Quotations “And VCU’s physical growth has revitalized long-neglected parts of town” (Peifer 1). It reveals the importance of VCU for the city at present. “Today’s generation of VCU students is a different generation” (Peifer 4). It reflects the changes that are taking place, which enables the reader to predict the way the university will develop in the future and whether it will be able to become one of the top schools in the USA. Citation Hershey, Greg. “Back to Old School.” Brick Weekly. 20: 9. Print. Summary The article dwells upon the way VCU has changed since the 1990s. The major focus is made on students and some information on the neighborhood is given. The author argues that VCU was a shabby university in the 1990s and students got there only if they could not afford anything better. However, at present, the university is full of ambitious young people who make use of technology. Contemporary students have healthy lifestyles and focus on their studies to be successful in their future careers. The new generation sets goals and knows how to achieve them. Key Points Alumni do not recognize their old school (Hershey 9). It is clear that the university of the 2010s has little to do with VCU of the 1990s. Shaggy students studied at VCU in the 1990s (Hershey 9). The past of the university was not very bright in the 1990s. Modern students have numerous gadgets and they live healthy lifestyles (Hershey 9). The present of the university is quite bright as it has become one of the most popular and successful educational establishments. The new generation of students of VCU are ambitious and quite pretentious (Hershey 9). This suggests that students will definitely become high-profile professionals in the fields. Not sure if you can write a paper on Virginia Commonwealth University: Past and Future by yourself? We can help you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Key Quotations “It was a shabby school surrounded by shabby neighborhoods” (Hershey 9). It reveals the nature (or the past) of VCU in the 1990s. “We got full of ambition, pretension and the struggle for status” (Hershey 9). It reveals the university and its students in the 2010s. In other words, it reveals the present of VCU and gives some insights into its future. Synthesis The sources in question provide valuable and comprehensive insights into the past and present of VCU. They also help predict the future of the university. The university has a very long history. Bonis, Koste and Lyons provide insights into the past of the university, which was established in the 19th century and it focused on teaching medicine (7). Introduction of the book is related to the rest of the sources as it serves as the background of the entire topic. It provides the information on the beginning of history of the educational establishment. Of course, this chapter is in major contrast with the report data and the newspaper articles (Hershey 9; Peifer 1), as it depicts the university as a small hardly known facility while the latter sources describe VCU as one of top schools (with a variety of courses) in the USA. Thus, it is clear that there were only a number of courses and a limited number of students. It was a small local educational establishment that did not have a nation-wide fame. Chapter four of the book mentioned above is a continuation of the history of VCU that evolved throughout the 20th century. It is noted that, at the beginning of the 20th century, the university started developing rapidly. Its management enabled to expand the boundaries. Thus, in the first half of the 20th century, the school offered new courses in humanities and core sciences. Clearly, this was a great step forward, as the university could provide more services, attract more students and educators. This chapter is connected with the newspaper articles mentioned above as it dwells upon the development of the university in the 20th century. This source stresses that there were quite significant changes in the university in the middle of the 20th century. At the same time, the newspaper article show that this development stopped in the 1990s. Chapter 8 of the book mentioned above focuses on particular people who contributed greatly into the evolution of VCU. It is stated that there were people who made a tremendous contribution into the development of the university. President Trani was one of these people. He helped develop global relationships with universities of other countries. He also paid specific attention to female empowerment. For instance, under his management, the university established relations with educational establishment of Qatar. It is noteworthy that the university did not have bright times in the 1990s as it lagged behind. This source stresses the contrast between the glory of the university in the middle of the 20th century and the stagnation of the 1990s. Of course, the report “Common Data Set 2014-2015” provides data that show that the contributions of the people mentioned are very important as they enabled the university to achieve such high results in the 21st century. At present, it is one of the top schools and its growth has had a great impact on the development of the city. Modern students of VCU are ambitious people who can set major goals and achieve them. It is clear that the university has a sophisticated plan that will enable it to become one of the most successful educational establishments in the USA (and in the entire world). The plan developed by the university’s management is detailed and it reveals the university’s commitment. The newspaper articles depict the modern university that is one of the top schools. The report can be regarded as particular evidence of the information provided in the articles. The data suggest that the university has achieved very high results. It is possible to assume that VCU has a bright future as the university is committed to achieve goals that are set. The plan of the educational establishment “Quest for Distinction” suggests that the goals are achievable and the university is going to use effective tools to become one of the top schools in the field of clinical research. Of course, it will also offer a variety of courses in different spheres and disciplines, which will attract students from all over the country (and even world). Nonetheless, the focus on clinical research is a very important milestone for the university. It is clear that medicine will be one of priorities of the humanity in the 21st century and, hence, clinical research will be one of the most advanced fields. Of course, VCU will satisfy the demand, as it will provide skilled professionals in this sphere. Works Cited Bonis, Ray, Jodi Koste and Curtis Lyons. The History of Virginia Commonwealth University. Chicago, IL: Arcadia, 2006. Print. Common Data Set 2014-2015. 2014. Web. Hershey, Greg. “Back to Old School.” Brick Weekly. 20: 9. Print. Peifer, K. “Does Walmart on VCU Campus Mean the End of Grace Street as We know It?” Richmond Times-Dispatch 2014. Web. Quest for Distinction. 2011. Web.
programming assignment help Restorative Justice.
In the required readings for this week Siegel (2015) and Losoncz & Tyson (2007) discuss Braithwaite’s concept of reintegrative shaming. This conceptualization of shame centers on the emotions felt when standards established by familial or social institutions fail to be met. In many societies around the world shame is a powerful tool of social control, however in the United States the process of informal shaming is often absent. Due to the fact that informal methods of social control are often more effective than legal sanctions in curbing deviant behavior, discuss the concept of reintegrative shaming and how it might be used in a more formal legal system such as that found within the U.S.Your initial post should be at least 300 words in length. Support your contentions with citations from the text and/or other scholarly sources. Your grade will reflect both the quality of your initial post and the depth of your responses.
Assume that a multi-specialty medical group has decided to segment the market in the community by income level. The group has decided to target a small niche of middle-aged, white-collar professionals
The group has decided to target a small niche of middle-aged, white-collar professionals who are married, with both spouses working outside the home. Discuss how this medical group might tailor its marketing mix to appeal to this segment. APA format 500 word count 2 references no more then 5 years old.
CJUS 703 Everest Chicago Severity of Punishment on Deterring Crime Research
CJUS 703 Everest Chicago Severity of Punishment on Deterring Crime Research.
During this course, you will compose an original 10–12-page Literature Review on a current topic or trend in criminal justice (see the instructions for the Literature Review assignment). In preparation for the Literature Review, you will submit your topic for approval, along with a preliminary bibliography. Your preliminary bibliography must cite at least six (6) scholarly resources that are significant to the topic (current, relevant, credible, and each carries its weight), with a clear and meaningful connection between all the resources. You must identify a research question for your topic. A minimum of 250 words is required for this assignment.
CJUS 703 Everest Chicago Severity of Punishment on Deterring Crime Research