Get help from the best in academic writing.

Gender Inequality in Afghanistan Essay

Gender Inequality in Afghanistan Essay. Introduction Differential treatment accorded to individuals due to their gender is called gender inequality. Gender inequality is characterized by men’s dominance over women. Men look at women as inferior and less valuable beings because of their sexual disposition. Gender inequality encompasses various dimensions, diverse and it is widespread all over the world. However, Asia is the most affected continent. Gender inequality can be classified into different classes. To begin with, there is economic gender inequality which is demonstrated by women contributing less than men in the formal work sector; thereby, women are more likely to live in poverty. Secondly, there is political gender inequality, which entails low representation of women in elected offices, political and corporate appointments. Thirdly, there is social gender inequality, which is demonstrated by women being the victims of domestic violence and sexual assault, inequalities in education attainment, lack of freedom to marry and divorce, and unequal access to health care. Lastly, demographic gender inequality is evident in cases where women are never given the chance to be born or live because of feticide and infanticide; hence, men outnumber women by large numbers (Lorber 2010:4). This research paper focuses on gender inequality in Afghanistan, where women have faced all forms of inequalities for a long time as a result of the country’s beliefs and norms. Discussion. Historical overview Gender inequality in Afghanistan stems from cultural beliefs, and it was worsened by the Taliban regime. Afghanistan women are oppressed, discriminated and marginalized beings whose rights have been violated for a long time. The biggest challenge in Afghanistan’s gender inequality is that it is two-sided; the society’s social and cultural beliefs make men believe oppression against women is justified. But, women have willingly given in to the oppression because of its deep entrenchment within their culture. Most of Afghanistan’s citizens follow their informal customary laws to promote family values and community cohesion until now. Traditionally, gender distinguished the different roles of men and women, where men took the governing role in the community while women were seen as men’s property, bringing about gender segregation. Although customary laws violated women’s rights under international standards, councils called Jirgas attempted to uphold them and bring about community cohesion but without much success. For instance, women were given out as compensation for offenses committed, equating them to objects that could be easily used and disposed. Also, women were forced into marriages through kidnapping, and if they were suspected of being adulterous. Rape cases were rarely investigated and penalized. In addition, women who had lost their virginity were regarded as outcasts, and they were looked down upon. This term justice was incomprehensible to these women because such incidences were hidden by the communities and most of them were never reported (Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit 2013: 38). Taliban regime: This regime was salient in Afghanistan between 1996 and 2001. During this regime, women who had young children were restricted from working and the rest were not allowed to run their businesses or even appear in public places. They were allowed to work in hospitals, but they could only attend to female patients. School girls in rural areas greatly suffered the attacks of the Taliban. As a result, girl’s education was prohibited. Severe punishments including public “beatings, threats and imprisonment” were imposed on women who did not abide by the Taliban rules (AREU 2013: 40). Post-Taliban regime: After the fall of the Taliban, a new constitution was formed and it lifted most of the restrictions imposed on women. The women tried to get back their jobs in the civil service but with little success due to limited access to the labor market and lack of professional skills to carry out their duties. During this period, the Afghanistan government was unstable and it could not provide security to the public. As a result, there was an escalated use of customary laws; thereby, continued gender inequalities. To date, gender inequality in Afghanistan is still a critical issue and the factors outlined below have contributed to current gender inequality according to Morgan (2008). Low level of protection from the family where women are exposed to early and arranged marriages. The Afghanistan Constitution and Islamic Sharia Law allow polygamy, hold fathers as natural guardians of their children, and dictates women to inherit smaller shares compared to men. Violence against women is practiced, tolerated and the abusers are rarely prosecuted because the authorities rarely investigate such crimes. Rape cases are rarely reported to the authorities for fear of being looked down upon (Morgan 2008:2). Women must receive permission from their husbands whenever they want to work. Rapists have the freedom to settle rape cases through monetary compensation to the offended family. When women fail to give in to their husbands’ sexual demands, their husbands have the right to deprive them of food. Only a small fraction of Afghanistan women speak in public against women inequality and violence. Kabul city is the only place in the country where the situation for women is better (AREU 2013: 35). Afghanistan is formulating and applying several strategies to eradicate gender inequality by enriching equality in the constitution. Women access to public services was improved after the Taliban regime. A new constitution approved in 2004 gave equal rights to all citizens and established the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC) to monitor and protect these rights (Morgan 2008:3). This new constitution gave women equal access to health care and legal guarantees for political participation. In addition, women were accorded an equal right to vote. Women have been allowed to participate in town leadership and in rule-of-law institutions, which were initially dominated by men. The legal system has been reformed and now, it protects women against social injustices and ensures that their access to formal justice is well documented. Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) was ratified by the new constitution. The main purpose of this convention was to show commitment to the rights of women in public, political, social and cultural sectors, especially in forced and underage marriages and use of women as compensation for disputes. The CEDAW is independent of Afghanistan’s customary laws, and it proposes that all marriages should be exercised by willing parties, who have already given their consent. Women legal protections have been enhanced, and for the first time, the Elimination of Violence against Women (EVAW) law criminalized rape and the customs, traditions and practices which bring about gender inequality (ICG 2013:10). Women have been enlightened on their rights and the EVAW law. There is also the provision that victims of violence should seek help in safe houses ran by ministries handling women’s affairs or by Afghan NGOs. The government has allocated aid targeted for female beneficiaries, women’s rights NGOs, women health care, education and initiatives aimed at helping victims of gender inequality (AREU 2013: 27). Education sector in Afghanistan is facing many challenges including lack of female teachers in schools, attacks on girls, lack of transport, family commitments, and practice of oppressive customary laws. Despite these challenges, many girls have enrolled in both primary and secondary schools as a result of provision of funds for schools and the allowance to conduct schools at home. Amazingly, a few girls have enrolled in colleges where they graduate with skills necessary to enable them to work in the public sector. Analysis Despite the fact that The Afghanistan constitution is new and helps to restore order, it does not stop all the injustices done to women in their daily lives. In addition, certain clauses in the constitution affect the administration of justice to women, for example, a clause in article 33 states that “no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam” (Morgan 2008:3). Despite the achievements discussed above, Afghanistan women are still facing challenges such as limited mobility, limited access to health, economic and educational opportunities, and limited public life participation and decision making (Morgan 2008:2). Despite the government’s efforts to reduce inequality, gender equality is yet to reflect on Afghanistan’s women’s daily lives. Several challenges, including insecurity, opposition within communities and from religious leaders, lack of female staff in the security sector and the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), and violence to the prominent women are contributing negatively to the attainment of the set goals (AREU 2013: 35). To date, some violence cases go unreported due to norms and beliefs of customary laws, which are still upheld in some places, in Afghanistan, despite the fact that the jirgas and the shuras are still in action (Morgan 2008:2). Afghanistanian beliefs, taboos and norms have made Afghanistanian women the most vulnerable to gender inequality in the world since time in history through the Taliban regime to the current state. The position of women in the labor market is weak with women owning only 5% of all the businesses in Afghanistan. Most women in the rural areas participate in home activities such as carpet weaving, sewing, tailoring and farm duties due to their limited mobility (Morgan 2008:2). Afghanistan has a low female to male literacy ratio of 0.4 compared to that of neighboring countries such as Pakistan and Iran whose female to male literacy ratios are 0.6 and 0.8 respectively (Morgan 2008:2). Ratification of the new constitution in 2004 improved women’s rights and acted as a platform to fight against injustices in court. As a result, women have become more empowered and knowledgeable of their rights with the help of the new constitution, international forces and communities. Women’s participation in the economic, political, education and social sector have improved over the last years after the Taliban fell. Although the process of implementing the new constitution is slow, many organizations have been formed to help fight these inequalities. The new organizations formed are yielding positive results with many recommendations being given to the government and international bodies on how to eradicate gender inequality and promote gender equity in Afghanistan. Conclusion Men believed that they were superior to women and they regarded women as their properties; thereby, oppressing and treating women as servants. On the other hand, women believed in men’s ideas. Women could not do anything contrary to the approval of their men, and this submission accelerated gender inequality, which was later aggrieved by the Taliban. Customary laws practiced back then supported all the injustices on women, and for a long time, women in Afghanistan were exposed to economic, political, social and demographic gender inequalities. References Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU). 2013. Women’s Rights, Gender Equality, and Transition: Securing gains, moving forward (Issue paper 2013). Kabul: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit. Web. Lorber, Judith. 2010. Gender Inequality: Feminist Theories and Politics. New York Oxford: Oxford university press. Morgan, Clara. 2008. “Afghanistan: The Status of Women.” Parliamentary Information and Research Service Publication. Web. Gender Inequality in Afghanistan Essay
criminal law, assignment help.

Law Select one of the following topics: Criminal justice union issues Police shootings and community reaction Inmate deaths Families of offenders Locate a newspaper, or on-line article that discusses some facet of conflict diagnosis based on your selected topic. Write a 1,050- to 1,400-word paper, which summarizes the item of conflict, and then discuss its significance for conflict diagnosis and conflict resolution. Include a recommendation for approach and the facts that support that approach. Be sure to discuss the ABC model and its application to the event. Format your paper consistent with APA guidelines.
criminal law, assignment help

Data Mining Concepts and Methods Research Paper

Data mining can be defined as the process through which crucial data patterns can be identified from a large quantity of data. Data mining finds its applications in different industries due to a number of benefits that can be derived from its use. Various methods of data mining include predictive analysis, web mining, and clustering and association discovery (Han, Kamber and Pei, 2011). Each of these has a number of benefits to a business. In predictive analysis, analytical models are used to deliver solutions. Using this model, a business can uncover hidden data which can be utilized for the purposes of identifying trends and therefore, predicting the future. This method requires a business to define the problem before data can be explored. There is also development of predictive models that must be tested. Finally, these models are applied in the population identification and in the prediction of behavior. The process followed helps a business to identify its current position in relations to the industry (Simsion and Witt, 2004). From this, businesses can plan on how best they can improve their positions in relation to other companies in the industry. The trends obtained from analysis of the acquired data can be used for the purpose of planning which might further give a company an edge over its competitors. In association discovery, the main aim is to discover correlation among different items that make up a shopping basket. The knowledge of these correlations is important in the development of effective marketing strategies. This is possible due to the insight gained on products that customers purchase together. This method of data analysis can also help retailers in the design layout of their stores. In this layout, the retailer can conveniently place items that customer purchase together in order to make the shopping experience interesting to customers as well as increasing chances of high sales (Kantardzic, 2011). The method can also be used by a business to determine the products they should place on sale in order to promote the sale of items that go together with the first one. Web mining is the process through which data present in the World Wide Web or data that has a relationship with a given website activity is made available for various business purposes. Get your 100% original paper on any topic done in as little as 3 hours Learn More This data can either be the contents of web pages found in various websites, profiles of website users, and information about the number of visitors in a given website among others. Web mining can be used by a business to personalize its products or services in order to meet specific needs of the customers. This is possible through tracking the movement of a given target customer on various web pages. The method can also help a business improve on its marketing strategies through effective advertising. This can be achieved when used together with business intelligence. It also helps a business to identify the relevance of information present in its web sites and how it can improve this information with the view of increasing its visibility in the market. Clustering involves grouping of data into specific classes based on specific characteristics (Han, Kamber and Pei, 2011). The process helps in the discovery of specific groups that the business should focus on. The method also helps a business to provide specific information that can be used to win over a given class of customers. Data mining follows a sequence that ensures the data mined meets the requirements set down by the person mining it. Different algorithms handle the process of data mining differently based on the content of the data to be mined. Therefore, the reliability of the data obtained depends highly on the method used and the nature of data. Speed of data mining process is important as it has a role to play in the relevance of the data mined. Therefore, a given algorithm should support speedy mining of data. The accuracy of data is also another factor that can be used to measure reliability of the mined data. For this reason an algorithm should be able to use specifications issued in the process of data mining. The two requirements for reliability are met by most algorithms which make them to be reliable for the purposes of data mining. Various concerns arise over data mining and include invasion of privacy, ethics and legality. The issue of privacy arises when private information is obtained without the consent of its owners. Application of such information for business purposes can have detrimental effects to the business. Ethical issues arise when information mined is used by a business to take advantage of the owner of such information (Kantardzic, 2011). There is also the question of legality of data mining without the consent of the person owning such information. To address the issues above, some businesses request permission from people before they can use information on them for various purposes which must be disclosed to the person. We will write a custom Research Paper on Data Mining Concepts and Methods specifically for you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Predictive analysis is used by businesses in market segmentation, analysis of the shopping basket and the planning of demand. Market segmentation enables a business to serve a given market better than if it had to serve a diverse market. In shopping basket analysis, a business can easily identify the products that are needed at specific times. The business can also determine demand and effectively plan how to meet it. References Han, J., Kamber, M. and Pei, J. (2011). Data Mining: Concepts and Techniques. Amsterdam: Elsevier Kantardzic, M. (2011). Data Mining: Concepts, Models, Methods, and Algorithms. New York: John Wiley

Communications Political Expression Sharing Deliberation Discussion

programming assignment help Communications Political Expression Sharing Deliberation Discussion.

Drawing from the assigned readings, consider the topic of political discussion and opinionexpression, and write a coherent essay that addresses the following points:What is the normative argument offered in the literature thus far this semester for whyexpression, sharing, deliberation and discussion are important to the effective functioningof a democratic society?What is the role of media in general and social media in particular in facilitating orinhibiting expression, sharing, deliberation and discussion, according to the literature?Given your answers to the first two points, present a concluding argument that answersthe following: Given its present role, are social media helping or inhibiting democracyvia their influence on expression, sharing, deliberation and discussion? What specificfeatures or affordances should be emphasized or increased in social media in order tomake that influence more positive?
Communications Political Expression Sharing Deliberation Discussion

Write a 1.5-2 page double spaced essay based on required readings and the following essay question: Visual communication happens

Write a 1.5-2 page double spaced essay based on required readings and the following essay question: Visual communication happens in both “urban” contexts and in “natural” environments. In the city advertising, graffiti, statues, and monuments impact our “mental environment”; in natural settings our visual experiences are described as being less mediated, but also as being biologically grounded and pretty darn healthy! With reference to TWO of the “urban” readings by Beetham (on monuments in the era of Black Lives Matter), Banet-Weiser (on convergence in the city), and McKibben (on our mental environment) and TWO MORE of the “nature” readings by Spehar (on fractals), Robles (on fractals), Lawton (on nature’s healing power), and Bowles (on Silicon Valley’s love of nature retreats), discuss how visual environments impact the ways we communicate and engage with urban and natural worlds!

How Effective Is the Use of Strike-capable Remotely Piloted Aircraft Systems in Counter-insurgency Operations?

How effective is the use of strike-capable Remotely Piloted Aircraft Systems in counter-insurgency operations? The use of strike-capable Remotely Piloted Aircraft Systems (RPAS) in counter-insurgency operations is a topic that is heavily debated not only amongst military planners and strategists but academics, politicians and the general public. The effectiveness of RPAS as a tool in counter-insurgency is one that divides opinion, yet the use of strikes from RPAS against targets in the counter-insurgency environment has seen a sharp increase post 9/11. The effectiveness of strike-capable RPAS in counter-insurgency operations is, to an extent, subjective and as such must be analysed in a systematic way using the following levels of war: tactical, operational and strategic/political. The end goals of counter-insurgency operations will ultimately decide how effective strike-capable RPAS are as tool in such operations. Accordingly, this essay will establish what exactly the measurement is for effective counter-insurgency, using the levels of war as an analytical framework. Furthermore, this essay will assess the strengths of strike-capable RPAS on the tactical level including its flexibility and precision. It will further assess its inherent strategic and political failures such as its risk of collateral damage, its part in increasing insurgent recruitment and its inability to gain intelligence vital to counter-insurgency operations. Ultimately this essay will conclude that, whilst effective on the tactical level, with NATO counter-insurgency doctrine stating that effective counter-insurgency is ‘ultimately a political struggle’[1] it should be said that strike-capable RPAS is not effective on the strategic/political level and as such is ineffective in counter-insurgency operations. In order to evaluate the effectiveness of strike-capable RPAS in counter-insurgency operations we must first understand exactly what counter-insurgency operations are. Knowing the ways in which counter-insurgency operations differ to other conflicts, will allow a more accurate evaluation of the effect of strike-capable RPAS in the counter-insurgency environment. Rineheart defines counter-insurgency as ‘those military, paramilitary, political, economic, psychological and civic actions taken by a government to defeat an insurgency’[2]. He further states that, ‘counterinsurgency is an all-encompassing approach to countering irregular insurgent warfare – an approach which recognizes that a military solution to a conflict is not feasible; only a combined military, political, and civilian solution is possible’[3]. This highlights that counter-insurgency is a complex operation that involves more than military intervention. Furthermore, Rineheart also states that ‘at the heart of any counterinsurgency strategy is a “hearts and minds” approach of promoting good governance and gaining legitimacy in the eyes of the local population’[4]. Rineheart’s arguments give important context to the debate surrounding strike-capable RPAS’ effectiveness in counter-insurgency operations, as they highlight that ultimately counter-insurgency is a socio-political struggle as well as a military struggle. Many governments, most notably the Obama administration, have turned to drones and strike-capable RPAS as a major tool in their counter-insurgency efforts. However, as Walsh argues, ‘drones are a politically and militarily attractive way to counter insurgents and terrorists, but, paradoxically, this may lead to their use in situations where they are less likely to be effective’[5], highlighting that the use of strike-capable RPAS in counter-insurgency operations must be scrutinised to see if it really is effective. It can be said that there are many advantages to using strike-capable RPAS in counter-insurgency operations, however it should be noted that the majority of these advantages are only effective on the tactical level. Despite this constraint, many academics and military strategists still maintain that strike-capable RPAS can be effective in counter-insurgency operations for a variety of reasons. It can often eliminate the necessity for deploying troops on the ground and putting them in harms way. As Hazelton argues, strike-capable RPAS can ‘give the United States the ability to mount tactical assaults without necessarily putting US personnel directly in harm’s way, potentially evoking domestic opposition’[6]. Further to this, not only does strike-capable RPAS reduce the physical number of troops on the ground it can also act as a ‘force multiplier’[7] enabling the military to increase its scope in a counter-insurgency whilst still using ‘arms-length weapons systems’[8]. Strike-capable RPAS can offer precision attacks and selective violence which should be seen as tactical advantages, as Walsh suggests ‘the more selective the application of violence is, the more effective it will be in punishing and deterring insurgent and terrorist organizations’[9]. The advantages of strike-capable RPAS are evident in the case of the conflict in Yemen. Terrill writes that ‘drones are not popular with the local population, but they do appear to have been stunningly successful in achieving goals that support the United States and Yemeni national interests by helping to defeat the radical group al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP)’[10]. In addition, specific examples such as the ‘September 2011 death of terrorist leader Anwar al Awlaki’[11] and ‘the use of drones to support Yemen’s May-June 2012 offensive against AQAP insurgents’[12] both highlight the fact that strike-capable RPAS can be very effective on the tactical level in counter-insurgency operations and give some context as to why they are a popular option among politicians and commanders. Despite strike-capable RPAS being relatively effective on the tactical level it should be said that, when considering the end goals of counter-insurgency mentioned earlier, it does not employ the same effectiveness on the strategic and political level. Strike-capable RPAS has been linked heavily with collateral damage in counter-insurgency operations with these claims becoming a recurring theme. As Mahadevan states, ‘the use of lethal and non-lethal force should be tailored to the situation, with particular attention paid to preventing collateral damage’[13] however this is often not the case, with RPAS strikes being blamed for a multitude of collateral damage incidents particularly in Pakistan. This of course hugely hinders strike-capable RPAS’ effectiveness in counter-insurgency in Pakistan and in general with Bennet going so far as to say, ‘measured against the level of collateral damage or the state of US-Pakistan relations, the campaign can be judged a failure’[14]. In addition, collateral damage and what can be seen as indiscriminate strikes by RPAS can have an extremely negative influence on the local population, all but ruining the vital ‘hearts and minds’ campaign that is so pivotal to effective counter-insurgency. Killcullen argues that ‘drones’ operational effectiveness was outweighed by their negative effects on Pakistani public opinion and resulting help to terrorist’s recruitment efforts’[15]. It can be argued that strike-capable RPAS are actually contributing to the number of insurgents through their portrayal in insurgent propaganda and their effect on public opinion. Becker and Shane state that ‘drones have replaced Guantanamo as the recruiting tool of choice for militants’[16]. Walsh further confirms that ‘civilian deaths from drone strikes create powerful grievances against the United States and the Pakistani authorities, and insurgents magnify these grievances through their propaganda—leading individuals and groups to lend direct or indirect support to insurgent organizations’[17]. When viewed in this light it is clear that if effective counter-insurgency rests on securing the local population, legitimising the authorities and winning the battle for hearts and minds, then strike-capable RPAS is ineffective on the strategic and political level, thus ineffective in counter-insurgency operations. It can be further argued that strike-capable RPAS has yet more traits that make it ineffective in counter-insurgency operations. As previously discussed, counter-insurgency is a complex operation in which intervening forces must ‘create a secure environment…to enable promotion of legitimate governance and rule of law’[18]. Legitimising the government and powers of authority are vital in effective counter-insurgency and it can be said that strike-capable RPAS does not help to achieve this aim. Strike-capable RPAS is viewed by many academics and strategist as an ineffective replacement of traditional counter-insurgency methods. Walsh argues that RPAS strikes ‘may punish and deter a militant movement, but they cannot directly contribute to the protection of civilians and the strengthening of the authority and legitimacy of the government’[19]. Taking Pakistan as an example this theory becomes apparent with Bennett writing that ‘there is the possibility that CIA-directed RPV operations over sovereign territory will de-legitimise and de-stabilise the elected government of Pakistan that it is less able to withstand the threat posed by home-grown terrorist movements like the 35,000-strong Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP)’[20]. This is a huge strategic and political issue that the use of strike-capable RPAS can not address effectively. Furthermore, the use of strike-capable RPAS, despite its many advancements in intelligence gathering capability, isn’t an effective way of gathering the necessary intelligence for counter-insurgency operations. McCrisken argues that ‘while the targeted-killing programme may be operationally effective, it remains a deeply problematic approach to counter-terrorism in that it prevents intelligence-gathering through the capture and interrogation of targets’[21]. The human intelligence gathered from the interrogation of insurgents is key to achieving success in counter-insurgency operations. As former CIA analyst Bruce Reidel states, ‘the use of targeted killing undermines ‘the real homerun [of] taking a senior leader prisoner who, in the course of debriefing, leads you to other senior people and opens the door to a greater insight into the enemy you’re facing’[22]. It is clear that some of the most important intelligence needed in a counter-insurgency operation can not be gathered by RPAS and in fact strike-capable RPAS can often hinder or eliminate this intelligence. Olney confirms this theory arguing that strikes made by RPAS ‘may produce second-order effects that lessen or negate long-term strategic effectiveness’[23] making strike-capable RPAS an ineffective tool in counter-insurgency. In conclusion, whilst it can be argued that strike-capable RPAS is effective on the tactical level, it is ultimately ineffective on the strategic and political level and as such is ineffective in counter-insurgency operations. Given the emphasis of NATO counter-insurgency doctrine, counter-insurgency is ultimately a strategic and political struggle. It incorporates winning the ‘hearts and minds’ of the local population whist aiming to stabilise and legitimise government and authority, all of which occur at the strategic and political level. Strike-capable RPAS’ traits such as precision strikes and its effect as a force multiplier make it a useful asset on the tactical level. However, these traits do translate in to effectiveness at higher levels. The risk of collateral damage posed by strike-capable RPAS as well as insurgents’ ability to use RPAS strikes as recruitment propaganda for other insurgents add to its relative strategic and political inneffectivness. Furthermore, strike-capable RPAS is tainted with a poor public opinion among local populations, meaning its use in counter-insurgency operations actually helps de-legitimise local governments. In addition, strike-capable RPAS further fails to gain vital human intelligence and in reality hinders the gathering of this intelligence with a policy of decapitation. With counter-insurgency operations resting on key strategic and political victories, strike-capable RPAS is not an effective tool in these operations. Bibliography Anderson, K (2013) ‘The Case for Drones’ Commentary Vol 135, No 6, pp.14-23. Bennett, Simon (2014) ‘The Central Intelligence Agency’s Armed Remotely Piloted Vehicle-Supported Counter-Insurgency Campaign in Pakistan – A Mission Undermined By Unintended Consequences?’ Date Accessed: 20 Jun 2019 Etzioni, Amitai and Etzioni, Oren, (2017) ‘Pros and Cons of Autonomous Weapons Systems’ Military Review, May-June 2017 pp. 72-80. Hazelton, J.L. (2012) ‘Drones: what are they good for?’ Parameters, 42, (4/1), p.29. Walsh, James (2013) ‘The Effectiveness of Drone Strikes in Counterinsurgency and Counterterrorism Campaigns’ Date Accessed: 19 Jun 2019 Terrill, Andrew (2013) ‘Drones over Yemen: Weighing Military Benefits and Political Costs’ Date Accessed: 19 Jun 2019 Kreps, S.E. and Wallace, G.P (2016) ‘International law, military effectiveness, and public support for drone strikes’ Journal of Peace Research, Vol, 53, No 6, pp.830-844. Mahadevan, P (2010) ‘The military utility of drones’ Date Accessed: 20 Jun 2019 McCrisken, T (2013) ‘Obama’s Drone War’, Survival: Global Politics and Strategy, Vol 55, No 2, pp. 97-122 NATO (2016) ‘Allied Joint Doctrine for Counter-insurgency (COIN) (AJP-3.4.4 Edition A)’ , Date Accessed: 20 Jun 2019 Olney, L.A (2011) ‘Lethal targeting abroad: exploring long-term effectiveness of armed drone strikes in overseas contingency operations’ Date Accessed 20 Jun 2019 Pantucci, R (2009) ‘Deep Impact: The Effect of Drone Attacks on British Counter-Terrorism’ RUSI Journal Vol 154, No 5, pp.72-76. Ranjan, Amit (2014) ‘Drone Attacks in Afghanistan and the AF-PAK Region: Is There Any Other Option?’ Asian Affairs, 45.3, pp.456-66 Rineheart, J (2010) ‘Counterterrorism and counterinsurgency’. Perspectives on Terrorism, Vol 4, No 5, pp. 31-47 Rogers, A