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Florida National University Nutrition Client Importance Case Study

Florida National University Nutrition Client Importance Case Study.

Assignment 3Please answers the following questions and give an explanation when is required. Thank you. 1.The client has been told to consume more omega-3 fatty acids. What food could the nurse say is a good source of omega-3 fatty acids?a.avocadoc.oatmealb.fatty fishd.whole wheat breadWhy the Omega-3 fatty acids are important?2. The client brings the results of recent cholesterol screening with him to see the nurse. The client is confused about what the results mean and asks what the total cholesterol number should be. Which of the following statements could the nurse make about interpreting the results of the cholesterol screening test? a.Total blood cholesterol should not exceed 150 mg/dlc.Total cholesterol should not exceed 150 mg/mlb.Total cholesterol should not exceed 200 mg/dld.Total cholesterol should not exceed 200 mg/ml 3. The nurse is teaching a group of clients in a cardiac rehabilitation class about food sources of proteins. In what foods will the nurse say protein is found? foods derived from both plant and animal foodsc.only in foods derived from plantsb.only in foods derived from animalsd.only in fortified foods 4. The school nurse is making a presentation to parents of teenage students. One parent is concerned that their child is not getting adequate high quality dietary protein because the child has stopped eating meat. The nurse tells the parent that certain diets that do not contain meat can still provide adequate protein. Which of the following statements could the nurse make about vegetarian diets and protein?a.all vegetarian diets deliver adequate high quality dietary proteinc.lacto-ovo vegetarian diets deliver adequate high quality dietary proteinb.fruitarian diets deliver adequate high quality dietary proteind.vegan diets deliver adequate high quality dietary proteinExplain why. 5. A pregnant client tells the nurse that she is taking megadoses of vitamin A in the hopes that it will keep her complexion clear throughout the pregnancy. What could the nurse say about the client’s use of this vitamin supplement?a.Consuming megadoses of vitamin A may cause permanent night blindness.c.Taking megadoses of vitamin A are a good idea during pregnancy because vitamin A supports a healthy immune system.b.Consuming megadoses of vitamin A may result in birth defects.d.Taking megadoses of vitamin A will neither help nor hurt her or the fetus during the pregnancy.Explain your answer. 6. A family member of an elderly client contacts the nurse and asks why the client is receiving B12 injections. Which of the following answers could the nurse give?a.The injections of B12 are given to prevent blindness.c.The injections of B12 are given to prevent pellagrab.The injections of B12 are given to prevent beriberid.The injections of B12 are given to prevent pernicious anemiaExplain why.
Florida National University Nutrition Client Importance Case Study

Inferential Statistics

Inferential Statistics. I’m studying and need help with a Psychology question to help me learn.

For this discussion, refer to the other article you found in the Capella library. The article should be a research report on a quantitative research study in a topic area of interest to you. Use the Article Analysis Worksheet to prepare for this discussion. Briefly summarize the article (1–2 paragraphs). Discuss the data-analysis procedures, addressing each of the following issues:

How was the data analyzed?
What statistical procedures were used?
What were the results?
Did the analysis confirm the hypothesis or hypotheses?

Inferential Statistics

Indianization In Southeast Asia History Essay

custom essay What is Indianization and explain how it had happened to Southeast Asian countries from 1st century to 13th century. The spread of the influence of Indian civilization started in Southeast Asia region dating back to the first century. This influence was given the term ‘Indianization’ by Coedes who defined it as ‘the expansion of an organised culture’ that was formed upon Indian conceptions of royalty, Hinduism and Buddhist cults and the Sanskrit language. For the peoples of Southeast Asian countries, what exactly does Indianization mean? According to Brian Harrison, to the peoples of Southeast Asian, Indian influence meant the introduction of a developed culture based on the art of writing, the Sanskrit language and culture, the cults of Brahmanism, Hindu mythology, the distinctive artistic styles: also, where they came under direct ‘Indianized’ rule upon the Hindu conception of monarchy, codes of law and methods of administration which occurred slowly and gradually. So, whatever definitions are used for Indianization, the shared and main characteristic can be classified in to: 1. Indianized faith and belief mentioned above like Brahmanism and Buddhism 2. Indianized language and literature such as Sanskrit and Ramayana 3. Indianized kingship and administrative institutions 4. Indianized art and architecture revealed by building designs and 5. Indianized way of social construction such as caste system and the rites of passages and so forth. There are a number of early Indianized kingdoms throughout history of Southeast Asia namely Funan, Champa, Khmer, Srivijara which covered nearly all of South Asia areas at that time. The evidences from those kingdoms can demonstrate the Indianization process in Southeast Asia. Firstly, let take stand point on the spread of Indianized faith and belief in those kingdoms. Indianized faiths and beliefs can be seen in Funan, situated along the Mekong delta, where the earliest record found there were rock-inscriptions in Vocanh, Buddhist documents in Sanskrit and a south Indian script belonging to the first half of the third century. Furthermore the Hindu cult of Siva worship and its coexistence with Buddhism was supposedly well established by the fifth century. Indianized faith can also be seen in the Sanskrit inscriptions of Qaung Nam and Phu-Yen and the three rock inscriptions found in the Tra-kieu ,a presumed area of Champa capital, that tell of the founder of the worship of the Shiva Bhadreshavara shrine. (Coedes, 1966, pp.64). In the case of Cambodia, the still existing grand temples reflect the worship of Siva, Vishnu and Buddha during the time of the Khmer kingdom. Meanwhile the establishment of Mahayana school, Siva cults and Brahman temple were recorded in the Sanskrit inscriptions found in Malay Archipelago (Harrison, 1967, pp.25). All of these evidences listed above indicate that Indianized religions were widespread across Southeast Asia from as early as the third century. Secondly, taking a look to the language and literature influence, it is obvious that nearly all of inscriptions found in Southeast Asian countries are written in Sanskrit. Indianization is sometimes referred as Sanskritization due to the fact that Sanskrit brings Hindu mythologies, literature and culture development of India to Southeast Asia countries. Sanskrit is always regarded as the holy language in Southeast Asia. The Sanskrit scripts are the first form of writing known to have reached Southeast Asia, but similar alphabets were soon adapted to the local language as well. All of the local variety and adaption, the alphabets used today for Burmese, Thai, Laos and Cambodia all derive originally from Indian prototypes (Majumdar, 1963,pp.18,28). A large number of inscriptions discovered in different parts of the Southeast Asia are written in Sanskrit and in Indian alphabets of about the fourth and fifth century .Indians literature and Indian mythologies have delighted generation of Southeast Asians. Puppet shows, shadow plays, and live dramatic performances based on the tales of the Ramayana have been popular everywhere. The Indian epics, the puranas and the Jakarta tales have been taken over. The art and sculpture of Southeast Asia have utilized themes from Indian literature, and their forms clearly show the influence of Indian style (Burling, 1965, pp.69). Taken collectively, the inscriptions show that the Sanskrit language and literature was highly cultivated. Moving to the third point of Indianized kingship, codes of law and public administration, especially the concepts of God-king; Devaraja, Cakravatin and Mahameru; was adopted widely by the kings of southeast Asia kingdoms. Wolters (as cited in Bentley, 1984, p.280) affirmed that in 7th century Cambodia, kingship marked leaders of extraordinary prowess, and Saivite cults imported from India provided a symbolically rich means of measuring and explaining prowess. Burling reinforced this statement that when Hindu ideas were strongest, the kings were considered to be incarnation of a god or a descendent of the one of the Hindu deities. Later when Buddhism became dominant, this view was modified, but even then the king’s position in the world was considered to parallel the position of the important deity in the cosmos. The kings of the Funan Jayavarman and his successors were addressed by the title of “King of the mountain”, and built his palaces and religious buildings on the peaks of hill (Coedes, 1966, pp.61).One of the important reasons why Brahmas were allowed to serve in the royal palaces is supposed to empower the status of the kings using the Indian concepts of the absolute power of kingship. If we look to the Indianized codes of law and administration, certain sacred laws of Hinduism, the Dharmashastra, and particularly the so-called laws of Manu, as taught by the Brahman were institutionalized in all Indianized kingdoms. For instance, the design of administrative system in Khmer kingdom was also strongly integrated by the Indian model. Both Cambodian and Cham inscription contain many references to Indian legal treaties. At the court of justice, there was a reciter of dharmashastra (treaties of Indian jurisprudence) whose duty was to cite the Sanskrit text appropriate to the case being also judged. Sanskrit terminology is used for all the legal aspects, which factual aspects are described in the vernacular. Exactly like in India, the higher the social status of the accused, the more severe the punishment was sentenced (Coedes, 1966, pp.56 and 233). The use of Indian framework of code of laws was mentioned by inscriptions and we can see how early kingdoms were strongly Indianized. Shifting to the fourth point, the art and architecture of Southeast Asia were also adopted from the Indians. The temples from Cambodia are the sound evidence reflecting the patterns of India. Since pre-Angkor period, they directly borrowed the Indianized culture but after the Angkor period, the architecture was localized by modifying Indian features. So also, the remaining Indianized temples such as in Thailand, central Java, Malay Peninsula and Pagan in Burma indicated that the undeniable influence of Indianized architecture in Southeast Asian region. Taking at some examples throughout mainland and peninsula Southeast Asia , Borobudur , Bodisatva Avalokitesvara, Mendut, Lara Jongorand in Java, Phra that temple in Malay peninsula, Po Rome temple, Po Klong Gorai temple in Champa, Anada temple in Burma and other scattering around the Southeast Asia, it can also determine the extent of Indianization in Southeast Asia ( Majumdar,1963).Though after 13 century, there architecture designs were varied according to the local modification, it is not questionable that the fundamental art and architecture derived from India. The last point is the adaptation of Indian societal construction by the practice of caste system in Southeast Asian countries. In the early inscriptions found in Thailand and Cambodia, the phrase “Varna” appears which is the same word used for Indian caste system. (Coedes, 1966, pp.56, 110). But, Ishizawa turned down the existence of caste system in Southeast Asia emphasizing the class stratification of Southeast Asian is different from Indian caste system. In Cambodia, the inscription soundly reveals that the class division of society follow hereditary occupations among elites, common people and slaves. The class classification system from southeast Asian countries and Indian caste system may be different while the former was based on the allocation of position in society , the latter rigidly depends on the pre-defined class in accordance with all of the generation belongs to or the purity depend on the class of their birth. Although the pattern of class system varied according to the contextualization of Southeast Asia, looking at the use of “Varna” proudly between royal family and the mass of people, it can be induced that societal construction of Southeast Asia was more or less influenced by the Indian social stratification. As a matter of fact, as it is mentioned above, since most of evidence of Indianization comes from the inscription written in Sanskrit, archaeological ruins, sculptures found in temples and predicted located Indianized places, these inscriptions can reveal religion, kingship, literature and other characteristics of Indianization in that particular place and which are intertwined with each other. How Indianization Spread in Southeast Asia The trade development through sea-route and maritime activities are a contributing factor in the spread of Indianization in Southeast Asia. According to Brian Harrison, the commercial contacts between Southeast Asia and India were being made before we have any definite record of them. But, it can be assumed that the trade between Indian and Southeast Asian came to accelerate during the start of the common era (C.E.) through the evidence from early Indianized countries come from Chinese record. It is also explained that India and Roman Empire were very active in sea navigation and already exchanged goods tremendously. India received a lot of gold from Roman Empire and finally when Roman Empire decided to control the outflow of gold, Indian merchants turned to Southeast Asia as an alternative. From this time on, India became the main trade partner of Southeast Asia and the main exporter of clothes to Southeast Asia (Burling, 1965, pp.66). The establishment and connection with Indian and Southeast Asia is explained by several hypotheses namely Vaishya (traders), Kshyatriya (warriors) and Brahman by scholars.(Cited by Benudhar Patra, 2004).In Vaishya hypothesis, the process of Indianization is caused by the commercial expansion of traders via sea-route bringing not only the goods exchange but also the sophisticated Indian culture with them. N.J. Krom (as cited in Patra, 2004, pp.158) notes that the Indian penetration to Southeast Asia began with traders who settled and married women, thereby introducing Indian culture. According to R.C. Majumdar, as in all ages and countries, the prospect of acquiring wealth was the first priority attempted by Indian traders and merchants to explore territories beyond their frontiers. But, this theory is objected by J.C. Van Lear(as cited in Patra, 2004, pp.158) on the basis of the low class of merchants who are supposed to be incapable of advising and operating the royal rituals, acting as administrators and teaching complicated philosophies in the host countries. Another criticism he remarked is that if the spread of Indianization comes from traders, it must be much more concentrated in costal and port area. But, the transmission of Indian civilization in remote area from port such as Kedu and Pranbana in java, other mainland areas like Khmer, and the reason of sea route trade does not work for this Vaishya theory. The Kshyatriya hypothesis is the assumption giving credit to the invasion and conquest of Indian over Southeast Asia countries for founding great Indian emperor. C.C. Berg(as cited in Patra, 2004, pp.159) advocates that Indian culture went to south-east Asia with the activities of Indian warrior immigrants who captured the political power of the region. R.C. Majumdar claims that the military seized the power and established the Hindu kingdom. However, except the attack of Srivijara by the Cholas Empire during the 10th century, this claim faces many objections due to lack of sufficient evidence as proof. F.D.K. Bosch (as cited in Patra, 2004, pp.159) criticized this theory stating “a conquering prince would have mentioned his success in an inscription if not, one of this descendants would have done so: but, this practise is absent in the southeast Asia islands” .Even the books and concept of greater India and Hindu colonies are contended by a lot of scholar who accuse that it is just the by product for nationalist motivation. So, this theory does not get any popularity among Historians. Another hypothesis is Brahman which is the most satisfactory theory out of three among scholars. The hypothesis explains that the Brahmans and monks including other religious members were the main propagators who transmitted Indianization in Southeast Asia. The Brahmans are not only expert in religious rites (Arthasastra), but also specialist in political affairs (dhamasastra) and art and architecture (Silpasatra).They propagate the norms of grand Indian culture and philosophy all over the places they arrived. On account of sophisticated teaching spread throughout the region and soon after, they were invited by the rulers to serve as advisors, administrators and so forth. Hearing and seeing the concept of god-king monarch and other grand teaching, the kings became impressed with them and set up institution and adopted Indianized culture. Through the elites, it goes down to the ordinary people. Looking at the three hypotheses, in my opinion, the first and third assumptions mentioned above can be integrated to describe the Indianization process in Southeast Asia. The trade was the prime reason to reach people from distance places. The trader first engaged in linking with locals, later when Southeast Asian came to be famous for its natural resources and goods for example land of gold for Indonesia and Burma, land of silver for Malaysia, the Brahmans and religious leaders could later join in the process. So also, the lowest class, the Shudras, will migrate through sea route in search of better life future in the lands of Southeast Asia. The rich merchants and the practices of Brahman and monks could lead locals to be impressed and when the rulers heard about it, they might invite Brahmans to serve for them simply for the purpose of augmenting their power and eventually the Indianized kingship, religious, codes of laws and public administration came to be institutionalized. The settlement and colonies of Indians can pass on their way of life in the host countries and intermarriage with locals would reinforce and accelerate the voluntary imposition of Indian culture. Therefore, all the classes from Indians can contribute in the process of Indianization. Let’s think about the answer to the question of Ishizawa who asked, if Indianization came from traders from sea-route, how Indianized culture also highly concentrated in remote areas also. If we turned back to some of earliest Indianized kingdoms in Southeast Asia, for example1. Funan (1st -6th century) which is situated on lower Mekong river covering some parts of Vietnam, Cambodia and Malay peninsula and also the origin of Khmer khingdom2. Champa located in southern Vietnam 3. Srivijara ( 7th to 13th century) located in southern Sumatra, all of these kingdoms had strategic seaport to welcome Indian cultures directly, on the other hand, it can be seen that these powerful kingdoms extended their power to their neighbouring countries in terms of political and economic forces during the peak of their regimes. For example Pyu kingdom from today’s Burma was Indianized by the already Indianized Khmer kingdom first. Then Pyu civilization was transmitted to other kingdoms from Burma like Pagan kingdom. In this way, Indianized Khmer culture spread through Burma and Thailand. Here my point is that Indianization can happen without the direct contact with Indians but can also happen through the relationship, politically or economically, with already Indianized powerful kingdoms. From 1st century to 13th century, Indianization exerted on Southeast Asia directly or indirectly. Fall of Indianization After 13th century, the very powerful Indianization process came to stop in Southeast Asian countries. Several factors are contributing for the fall of Indianization. The first factor is the decline and disappearance of the Indianized kingdoms in Southeast Asia. After 12th century, the Khmer kingdom came to decline after Jayavarman VII who enlarged territory tremendously and went to war with Champs. Then, during the rule of Jayavarman VIII, a Mongol force invaded Cambodia and took over the Khmer political and cultural zones of influences such as the Ta’is of the Menam and Pagan from Burma. On the other hand, Champa was also defeated by its northern sinicized Vietnamese neighbours, Dai Viet, and all of its Indianized institutions and culture were destroyed and eventually assimilated to Northern culture by the 14th century (Coedes, 1966, pp.124). In addition, the decline of Hindu kingdoms in India by the invasion of Arab and the rise of relationship between traders from Middle East and archipelago countries were pushing factors to stop Indianization process in Southeast Asia. In the thirteen century, the port of Cambay in Gujerat situated on the west cost of India fell under Muslim rule; soon Gujerat Indian Muslims come to Southeast Asia as merchants. Thus, as Southeast Asians who were accustomed with adopting Indian culture and religions, Islam was accommodated in the trade -centred regions again. In addition, the direct contact between Middle East traders and Malay plus Indonesia archipelago areas would have quickened the substitution of Brahman civilization with Islam civilization. Especially, the most influential trading centre, Malacca, which converted to Islam, would have affect all trading partners in the islands countries to embrace islaminization (Burling, 1965, pp.118). Therefore, the rise of islaminization led to the decline of Indianization again. Last but not least, the emergence of powerful kingdoms in mainland Asia is also one of the factors shaping the cease of Indianization process. In mainland region, the new kingdom in Thailand, Ayutthaya and Ava in Burma, which had been regionally strongly influenced by the Indianized Khmer civilization, were raised up with very grand indigenous cultures adopting Theravada Buddhism. All architecture came to be diverse and different from the earlier Khmer and Indian styles. The underlying causes of the decline of culture lay in the ever-increasing number of indigenous people who adopted it and in doing so adapted it to their own tradition, and also in the gradual disappearance of a cultured autocratic class, the members of which had been the guardians of the Sanskrit cultural tradition (Coedes, 1966, pp.133). These powerful kingdoms stood out by the height of their power not only with the innovative culture stream but also with the military capability. All these factors are more or less contributing in explaining why Indianization stopped in Southeast Asian countries. Issues with Indianization The recognition of Indianization as the early root of the development of Southeast Asian countries is still debatable among scholars. Originally the words of both ‘southeast Asia and Indianization comes from the colonial Europeans explorer and were invented. Having found the sculpture and archaeological ruins similar to the products of Indian civilization, they asserted that there was no civilization in Southeast Asia before the contact with India. When the books like “Greater India” and “Hindu Colonies the Far East” appeared, it also illustrated India as the superior culture influencing a lot of Southeast Asia countries under their rule and making legends of the founder of the countries are Brahmans from India. But after that a lot of critics came out arguing that “Greater India” is just for national motivation and Southeast Asia already had indigenous civilization. By the early twenties of century, it is common to view that these elements of Southeast Asian and history were mere offshoots or branches of Indian civilization. In the following pacific war (1941-1945), traditional ideas on passive nature of Southeast Asia response to Indianization began to be reviewed (Gin, 2004). For “Greater India”, especially, when it comes to the point of colonization, most scholars rejected on the ground of not having enough ample evidences. The argument still went on the issues for Indianization focusing on the practices of caste system, whether Indianization is just elite process or not and the selective nature of southeast Asia in picking up Indian culture appropriate to each own region meaning that Southeast Asian are civilized enough to flourish their prosperity and interest more. For the first argument concerning the existence of caste system, this paper already discussed in the first session pointing out Cambodia where the caste system existed based on the position of people in society though it was different from India model of depending on which class they belong to since they were born. But, looking at the use of ‘Varna’ for the class segregation, it still implied that Southeast Asians still embrace that social construction system, on the other hand, the different utilization for this concepts means that Southeast Asians applied Indianized culture according to the local context. Indianization as the elite process argue that scriptions could tell only the life of rulers, though there is not strong evidences to defend it, the legacy left behind in the daily life of people, for example, the rituals of funeral, and wedding in Burma and Malaysia are still similar to Indian customs. The name system in Sanskrit was still popular in Thailand. Thus, Indianization exerted on the common classes who accepted it integrating with their traditional culture. So also, Southeast Asian welcomed Indians in seek of their interest not because of the only factor of the one-sided impose of Indian Brahman and traders only. That is to say, for instance, in 8th century, the rulers of Srivijara built Mahayana school and temples to boost commercial interest of Indian traders by showing that they had got the common ground to deal in the long term. The rulers invited the Brahman to augment their power more. When the number of Islamic traders increased, the island countries converted to Islam creating accommodating atmosphere for them. So, it means Southeast Asians are accepted whether Indians or Arabs on the ground of making own interest, not as passive ones, but as proactive in displaying in strategy for it. Then after 13th century, the features of Ayutthaya and Ava explained that southeast Asians were really progressive, adapting the culture coming in, combining with own indigenous characteristics modifying to evolve great culture time to time. All of these evidences prove the active role, ability, and the interest of Southeast Asians in embracing Indianized culture in their own regions. It is also interesting to note that in the Indianization process in Southeast Asia, the beautiful nature found there is unique in that the peaceful coexistence among the new and old cultures. For example, in India, throughout the history, Hinduism and Buddhism clashed in severe way in the struggle for dominance. But when it comes to Southeast Asia, the story is different, in holy altars, Buddha images, Siva, Vishnu and indigenous gods are located together. In the early days, even where royal families or educated groups were converted to Islam, conservative instincts tended to reconcile the new belief with the old forms of Hinduism. In Java some of the early mosques were built in the traditional style and with many of the decorative motifs of the old hindu-javanese temples, and Moslem tombs had emblems of Hinduisms. (Harrison, 1966, pp.51) Therefore, the blending culture of Southeast Asia is really unique from other influential forces. Therefore, when we look back to the Indianization process in Southeast Asia, we can see that although there is direct adoption of the Indianized institution and concepts, Southeast Asian practised in accordance with the local context and attempted to integrate with indigenous culture. But, it is also vividly seen the extent of Indianization in Southeast Asia because, although Indianization process ceased to move forward after 13th century, the legacy it left behind still had profound effect in social, religious, architecture patterns of southeast Asia embedding in its own features of culture trademark.

Create a RN linkedin profile

Create a RN linkedin profile. I need support with this Health & Medical question so I can learn better.

STEP ONE: To start, go to and register for a free site, or, if you are really into the assignment they have sites that you can pay for that offer extra features. For this assignment it is fine to start with the free site. Setting up your site should be done with some caution since others will be viewing the site and evaluating you based on the site. Include information that is valuable and make you look good and moving up in the world. All of us have encountered the name of a position that does not seem to explain or match the actual job. Take for example the name of a job; Assistant Corporate Executive as the description of a secretary. I am not asking you to lie, I never would ask that, but, there are ways to make yourself sound better.
STEP TWO: Populate the website. Pick a great picture of yourself. Dress yourself up and take a picture with your phone if you do not have a picture of yourself. When you have done that you need to populate the rest of the page. Be honest but you want to make yourself sound great
Create a RN linkedin profile

Vertebrate Success in the Urban Environment

Vertebrate Success in the Urban Environment. Dr Giles Johnson Lay Abstract Despite urban expansion causing an overall decrease in the number and variety of animals that inhabit a given area, some vertebrate species have made a success of urban living. Using the red fox, the Norway rat, the rock dove, and the peregrine falcon as case studies, this review analyses the resources and features that allow these animals to thrive in human settlements; and in turn how living in such environments affects them. The literature provides evidence of the ample food that urban centres provide for vertebrates, primarily in the form of waste. In the case of the peregrine falcon, the arrival of the pigeon has provided a source of prey. The living requirements of each species differed due to differences in size, reproductive behaviour and the ability to fly. Living in urban environments has dramatic effects on these species; changes in social behaviour and reproduction contribute to more efficient exploitation of the resources available. We argue that a flexible strategy in terms of behaviour and diet is fundamental to urban success in vertebrates. Knowledge in this area may provide the means to better control populations, curbing the spread of pest species and encouraging desirable species into urban centres. Scientific Abstract Despite the homogenising effect of urban expansion on species richness some vertebrates have successfully colonised the urban niche. Using Vulpes vulpes, Rattus norgevicus, Columba livia, and Falco peregrinus as case studies, this review analyses the resources available to these species and in the strategies employed to better exploit them. Urban centres provide ample food for vertebrates primarily in the form of human waste. In the case of F.peregrinus the establishment of colonies of C.livia provides a constant prey source encouraging expansion into urban centres; providing an example of secondary succession. Differences in size and behaviour as well as terrestrial and aerial lifestyles result in different living requirements and thus preference in urban density. Living in urban environments also exerts pressures on these species. Spatio-temporal changes in resources specifically result in changes in social behaviour as well as reproductive behaviour and physiology as an adaptive response. We argue that plasticity in response to diet, behaviour and physiology are fundamental to urban vertebrate success. We suggest further research into whether such responses are genotypic or phenotypic. Better understanding of such phenomena may provide humans with better means to manage urban ecology. Introduction A 2014 report on urbanisation by the UN found 54% of the global population lived in urban centres at the time, meaning for the first time in human history more people live in urban than rural environments. This figure compares to 30% in 1950 with a projection to reach 66% by 2050. These trends are encouraged by both migration and an expected rise in the population from 7.2 billion to 9.6 billion by 2050 (UN, 2014). Despite urbanisation being attributed to threatening 8% of terrestrial species (Mcdonald et al., 2008) and having a ‘homogenising’ effect on biodiversity (Clergeau et al., 2006), Angold et al. (2006) state that wildlife can indeed prosper in the urban environment. Although, Mckinney et al. (2006) correctly point out that some ‘urban adaptable’ species tend to dominate the urban niche and spread globally resulting in biotic homogenisation. This review is concerned with vertebrate species that dominate the urban environment; assessing both the causes of such success and observing the effects that urban life has upon these species. The introduction will define ‘urbanisation’ and address both the potential negative and positive effects on overall biodiversity and on individual species. The body of this review will use two mammal and two bird species as case studies focusing on food, shelter, group behaviour, and reproduction as indicators of how species exploit the urban niche, and how in turn urban life can cause changes in these species. Jones and Leather (2012) define an urban area as a human settlement with a population greater than 10,000, characterised by a mosaic of land uses including residential, commercial, industrial and infrastructural with occasional green spaces. Moller et al. (2009) define urbanisation as the ‘conversion of natural habitats into areas partly covered by buildings, heavily fragmented and with a high level of edge effects’. Bateman and Fleming (2012) argue that urbanisation is difficult to define and will not only vary from region to region, but also exists on a scale with cities offering the most extreme of disturbed anthropogenic altered environments, through to towns and villages as well as infrastructure and parkland. It is often difficult to quantify the direct impact of urbanisation on an ecosystem due to urban centres usually predating modern ecological analysis, but, although caution should be taken with estimation, studies that compare urban systems to undisturbed natural ecosystems can provide some insight. One such study by Brook et al. (2003) assessed the impact that potential habitat loss in Singapore had on local biodiversity since the British colonised the region in 1819. The analysis combined historic documentation on land clearance and development with evidence of recent extinctions in the area. They calculated that 95% of the rainforest habitat had been cleared, estimating that the figure for overall biodiversity loss could be at minimum 28% with a vertebrate extinction rate between 34-43%. They further highlight the ‘bleak’ outlook for wildlife in the region with 77% of local wildlife currently ‘threatened’. A recent study by Newbold et al. (2015) analysed the impact of land use on local biodiversity. The findings suggest that local richness, rarefied richness and abundance decrease as the intensity of human interference and population density increases, attributes all associated with urbanisation. These analyses draw attention to the impact that habitat loss caused through urban development can have on animal biodiversity. Destruction of habitat can also cause habitat fragmentation; the process of a habitat breaking apart and becoming increasingly isolated (Fahrig, 2003). Haddad et al. (2015) analysed data collected from over 35 years from several biomes globally and various fragment sizes. They found that fragmentation reduced biodiversity by between 13-70% with the effect greatest on the smallest and oldest fragments. The size and scale of this study provides strong evidence for such effects. Fragmentation can also exert genetic effects on a population by creating barriers through which genetic information cannot easily flow (Templeton et al., 1990). The smaller and more genetically isolated these populations are the greater likelihood the population will go extinct (Slatkin, 1977). Behavioural and morphological effects have also been observed in fragmented populations. The work of Hill et al. (1999) on the butterfly Hesperia comma in the South Downs found that individuals residing in more isolated fragments tended to invest in larger flight muscles; a trait associated with increased dispersal distances, whereas individuals in less fragmented habitats tended to invest less in flight muscles and more in larger reproductive organs. Despite the negative impact on biodiversity there are opportunities in the urban ecosystem for animals that can take advantage. Anthropogenic food sources in the form of refuse (Gardner-Santana et al., 2009), spillage (Murton, 1972), and cultural feeding practices (Doncaster and Macdonald, 1990) all provide ample food supply for urban populations. Although buildings and infrastructure can cause fragmentation and mortality risk (Bateman and Fleming, 2012), the patchwork mosaic of commercial, residential and green spaces provides a variety of potential homes for animals (Angold et al., 2006). Once initial colonisation has taken place, the dramatic reduction in competition and abundance of resources allows a ‘niche shift’, contributing to a rapid establishment (Diamond, 1970). Despite the potential benefits, urban environments are still one of the most challenging for animals to live in due to the high level and wide range of anthropogenic disturbances; mostly in the form of development and traffic (Bateman and Fleming, 2012). This review will make the case that in this shifting environment a high level of behavioural, physiological and morphological plasticity contributes greatly to a species’ success. The four case studies were selected with three criteria in mind. First a sufficient body of literature to allow for detailed comparison. Second to provide insight into the effects urbanisation has on urban vertebrates. Third species were selected that offer specific challenges to society such as pest or endangered species. The four vertebrate case studies analysed in this paper are the red fox, Vulpes vulpes; the Norway rat, Rattus norgevicus; the urban pigeon or rock dove, Columba livia; and the peregrine falcon, Falco peregrinus. V.vulpes was selected due to the the well documented comparison between both its urban and rural ecology and behaviour. C.livia is another well studied urban species with a long urban history; originally being kept as a source of protein throughout the middle ages (Murton et al., 1972). The ecology R.norgevicus is less well studied. This is surprising as it isone of the most ecologically destructive vertebrates (Higgins et al., 2015), regarded among the most numerous and pervasive of urban pests (Feng et al., 2012), and known to harbour many zoonotic pathogens (Himsowrth et al., 2013) making it an important topic for study. C.livia also presents similar problems, befouling public spaces through defecation, the fine particles of which are loaded with zoonotic pathogens creating a risk to public health (Hetmanski et al., 2010). F.peregrinus Is a particularly interesting case of an urban success story as they also represent one of the great conservation management success stories of the last century. In the Midwest it now exclusively resides in urban centres where it was extirpated following the population crash during the 50s and 60s (Caballero, 2016). Understanding what makes these species successful could potentially help with population control of dangerous pest species such as the Norway rat and the pigeon. Understanding the factors that contribute to these species success may also allow us to build environments that encourage desirable animals, such as the peregrine and the fox, as well as creating opportunities for less successful species.This review will analyse the traits that allow successful vertebrates to exploit the anthropogenic resources available, primarily in the form of food and shelter. It will also cover the behavioural and reproductive effects that the urban environment exerts upon these groups. Resources: Food Contesse et al. (2004) found that 85% of households in Zurich had anthropogenic food accessible to foxes. There is a vast array of literature that supports the claim that V.vulpes exploits such sources. Doncaster and Macdonald (1990) analysed the diet of the fox population in Oxford finding that a majority of 37% of the average annual food intake was scavenged, a result reflected by Contesse et al. (2004) in the city of Zurich where it reached 50%. Interestingly, in both studies this figure fluctuates in response to seasonal variation. Doncaster and Macdonald (1990) found scavenging was highest during the winter when other food sources were lower, and lowest during the late summer/autumn when seasonal fruits were abundant. This flexibility in diet is reflected in studies of V.vulpes in rural environments. One study in southern England found two thirds of the diet comprised of game, with mostly rodents and fruit making up the remainder (Reynolds and Tapper, 1995). Whilst another found that for foxes inhabiting mountainous regions in the Czech Republic rodents made up the majority, supported by varying quantities of beetles, ungulates, plant matter and fruit depending on the season (Hartova-Nentichova et al., 2010). In the urban context Contesse et al. (2004) note that the more extreme urban environments, such as the city centre, were associated with increased levels of dietary scavenge. Baker and Harris (2007) suggest opportunistic feeding a factor in the successful colonisation of the urban niche and these studies support such a claim. Pickett et al. (2001) propose that the increased quantity and continuous source of food in the form of human food waste as well as the cultural practice of feeding urban wildlife has a positive impact on the fox population. Further to this, Contesse et al. (2004) calculated that the surplus of refuse removed food as a limiting factor for the fox population in Zurich which has resulted in a large and increasing population. Unlike the Zurich fox population food is usually determines carrying capacity for urban rat populations (Higgins et al., 2015). This is possibly due to the varying lengths of time these populations have been established. V.vulpes colonised the UK in the 1930s (Doncaster and Macdonald, 1990) and Zurich in the 1980s (Contesse et al., 2004) whilst the commensal rat population has potentially lived alongside humans for thousands of years (Feng et al, 2014). An opportunistic generalist, R.norgevicus occupies urban centres and feeds primarily on refuse (Gardner-Santana et al, 2009). Schein and Orgain (1953) calculated that one third of anthropogenic refuse is a suitable food source for rats providing a constantly replenishing food source in urban areas. The Norway rat is so well adapted to urban life that it is rarely found in the wild, suggesting they require humans to survive (Feng and Himsworth, 2014). Although dietary flexibility has contributed to the colonisation of the urban niche the suggestion that this species are now completely dependent upon it for survival might imply a lack of flexibility once established. A comparative study by Murton and Westwood (1966) found the rural population of C.livia nesting on the cliffs at Farnborough head fed on a variety of grains, legumes weed seeds and some small invertebrates; the ratios of which fluctuated in response to the agricultural season. The diet of the population in Leeds consisted primarily of bread but also fruit cake and commercial seed mix provided by the public. However, much of the produce found in the rural population was also present in the urban population. Murton and Westwood (1966) attributed this to the public but a study by Rose et al. (2006) provides further insight. The study analysed the spatio-temporal use of the urban habitat of C.livia in the city of Basel. They found that there were three different foraging strategies employed: 1) in the streets, squares and parks near the home site 2) In agricultural areas surrounding the city 3) on docks and railway lines in the harbour. Most individuals stayed within 0.3km of their nesting site in the city with only 7.5% of the population flying to the agricultural and dock sites which were over 2km away. It was found that these foraging strategies were only employed in conjunction with foraging near the home site suggesting they were secondary strategies when access to local sources was restricted. Evidence that urban pigeons employ a flexible foraging strategy. Ali et al. (2013) suggests that the worldwide urban pigeon population has boomed due to the continuous supply of anthropogenic food compared to seasonal fluctuations in rural environments. Interestingly, this population boom has potentially aided the colonisation of the urban niche and the recovery of the peregrine falcon. A study by Drewitt and Dixon (2008) analysed the diet of peregrines in three British cities: Bristol, Bath and Exeter. They found that pigeons and other doves comprised 47% of the peregrine diet making up the majority of the peregrine diet; reflecting figures from a study in Warsaw 32% (Rejt, 2001). Both studies observed seasonal fluctuations in the proportion of pigeon taken. Drewitt and Dixon (2008) noted that during the starling breeding season juveniles can make up 19% of the peregrine diet, whilst Rejt (2001) recorded a drop to 10-19% of pigeon in the diet during the migration season and exceeding 50% over the harsher winter months. It is thought that the ‘countershading’ present on migrating birds which is beneficial in natural light is maladaptive in the artificial glare of the city lights allowing the peregrines to take advantage (Ruxton et al., 2004). These studies provide evidence for a flexible, opportunistic feeding strategy. Interestingly from an ecological perspective, the urban pigeon forming the base prey for urban peregrines (Cade and Bird, 1990) suggests secondary succession occurring in the urban environment; with the pioneer species C.livia allowing the establishment of F.peregrinus. These four case studies not only highlight the variety of food sources available to urban species but also provide insight in the type of feeding strategy enables species to exploit this niche. Although diet and preference might vary, a generalist opportunistic approach strategy is favoured, suited to the often constant but highly varied anthropogenic food types available. Resources: Places to Live Throughout the year V.vulpes rest in lays, structures that provide the fox with shelter, situationally (Doncaster and Macdonald, 1990). However, during the breeding season red foxes require open ground to construct breeding dens, due to this they prefer less dense residential areas where open ground provides suitable sites (Doncaster and Macdonald, 1990). In comparison the requirements of R.norgevicus are minimal, being smaller in size and less particular in regards to breeding sites. All that is needed is adequate harborage and a nearby food source, typically refuse (Gardner et al., 1948). Rats will burrow in soil, use abandoned structures, and even climb buildings and make nests from anthropogenic materials (Gardner et al., 1948). As a result rats thrive in run down neighbourhoods where there are more abandoned and neglected properties that provide harbourage (Himsworth et al., 2013). Although these two species require both refuge and food, differences in size and breeding behaviour results in different requirements. As a consequence the fox faces greater restriction. Although birds face similar problems the spatial differences in habitat mean birds are less affected by fragmentation (Fahrig, 2003). A study by Ali et al., (2013) on the ecology of C.livia in Islamabad found pigeons to be present on bridges, tall buildings, as well as in semi urban spaces such as parks and gardens. Interestingly, population density increased around urban centres and decreased around semi-urban spaces showing a clear bias to extreme urban environments. The human environment also provides suitable nesting sites for F.peregrinus, with urban peregrines roosting on the tallest buildings in an urban space (Cade and Bird, 1990). It could be suggested that tall man-made structures such as skyscrapers mimic the cliff side habitat of these species allowing successful colonisation to occur. Effects: Range and Group Behaviour The urban environment is characterised by high level of disturbance. Construction, demolition and changes in human population all contribute to fluctuations in the spatial distribution of resources (Doncaster and Macdonald, 1990). In response to this we see high levels of plasticity in fox social behaviour (Doncaster and Macdonald, 1991; Baker et al., 1998). The home range of urban foxes is dramatically reduced usually extending for less than 100ha (Doncaster and Macdonald, 1991), whilst in rural individuals it can exceed 2000ha (Contesse et al., 2004). This is associated with increased resources over a smaller area which also results in increased population density (Doncaster and Macdonald, 1991). Interestingly, this has implications for the social behaviour of urban foxes. Red foxes are usually solitary animals that form pairs during the breeding season, but in urban settings live in groups of three to five (Doncaster and Macdonald, 1991). This is best explained by the spatio-temporal variation in the availability of resources in the anthropogenic environment which impacts both individual benefit and defence costs potentially leading to group formation (Doncaster and Macdonald, (1991); Baker et al., (1998). The spatial distribution of resources in towns and cities is such that with only two members the perimeter cannot be fully defended whilst the amount of resources within a territory are often abundant enough to promote group formation (Donacaster and Macdonald, 1991). These changes in social structure show high levels of behavioural plasticity which has potentially aided the expansion of the red fox into the urban niche. There are interesting parallels to draw between urban rat and fox populations, particularly in relation to range and social behaviour. The home range of urban rats is typically small; consisting of narrow strips between the animals harbourage and its food supply (Davis, 1953). Gardner-Santana et al. (2009) proposed that the range of urban rats is much smaller in urban environments, ranging from 25-150m (Davis, 1953), compared to those of rats in rural environments, which range from 260-2000m (Taylor and Quy, 1978). Feng et al. (2014) suggest that range is dependent on the availability of suitable harborage and food sources as well as pressure from conspecifics. This is comparable to the reduction in fox range which was attributed to a high density of anthropogenic resources in the urban environment. Like the red fox, urban rats also exist in larger colonies than their rural counterparts although, unlike foxes, they lack co-operative behaviour (Feng et al., 2014). In fact, the increased population density and fierce competition often results in increased levels of aggression (Feng et al., 2014). There is also evidence that spatio-temporal distribution of resources affects group size and behaviour in C.livia. Murton et al. (1972) noted that the flock size of C.livia was directly related to the quantity of daily food spillage, unlike in the closely related wood pigeon, C.palambus, where seasonal food supply dictates flock size. Murton also observed that pigeonsociety exists in hierarchical structure with some birds occupying the centre of the flock and having preferential access to the best feeding spots. Despite differences in social structure, the changes in range and group living in the fox, rat and pigeon offer insight into the effects that urban living can exert upon the behaviour of species. It could be suggested that the plastic nature of these behaviours has contributed to the success of these animals in the urban niche. Questioning whether such effects stem from the environment working on established plasticity within the genotype or whether such changes are the result of natural selection would provide an interesting topic for further study. Effects: Reproduction and Population Due to their high fecundity, even in urban environments with an abundant resources, food usually determines the carrying capacity of the urban rat population. A sexually mature female can produce five litters per year with 4-8 pups per litter (Margulis, 1977). The work of Ziporyn and McClintock (1991) noted that females living in groups often establish oestrus in synchrony, observing that when this occurred 80% of pups would survive compared to asynchronous breeders. These co-ordinated events result in population booms (ibid) which maintains the numerous population. Glass and Herbert (1988) also noted that urban rats grow faster and reach sexual maturity sooner than their rural counterparts, suggesting the abundance of anthropogenic resources as a cause. Understanding when these ‘booms’ occur could help humans better control urban rat populations. The effect of increased resources on rats draws parallels with the population dynamics of C.livia. Hetmanski et al. (2010) found that the size of a pigeon population in an urban environment was linked not only to the size of the urban environment but also with the density of the human population, suggesting a correlation with increased anthropogenic resources. Murton et al. (1972) noted that due to the copious food supply there is little migration resulting in nest sites remaining occupied all year and rarely becoming available. This change in behaviour meant that two thirds of the pigeon population failed to breed potentially decreasing the effective population size. Further to this, there is evidence that males carry an allele that lengthens the breeding season and increases fertility (Murton et al., 1973) suggesting there is a selective advantage for remaining sexually active for longer. Changes in reproductive strategy in urban F.peregrinus have been attributed to the speed of its recovery since the population crash in the 50s/60s. A study by Kauffman et al. (2003) compared the survival rate of rural and urban peregrines in California. During the first year it was found that urban young had a 65% chance of survival compared to 28% in rural individuals. Caballero et al. (2016) also found that the urban clutch size tends to be larger, with an average clutch size reaching 4-5 in urban environments compared to 3 in rural. This effect has resulted in a population boom with populations in the UK and Germany already exceeding pre-crash levels (Rejt, 2001) Although the mechanisms differ, there is a clear pattern for increased fecundity in urban populations of these species contributing to their success. Conclusions The case studies discussed provide evidence of the opportunities available to vertebrates with the means to take advantage of them. Despite different needs, the human habitat offers ample shelter for vertebrates, with rats and foxes occupying spaces determined by their size and behaviour whilst man-made structures mimicking the natural habitat of peregrines and pigeons offer nesting sites. Anthropogenic waste and cultural practice supplies foxes, rats and pigeons with an abundant food supply that, although fluctuates spatio-temporally in relation to human rhythms, does not suffer the same seasonal fluctuations which characterise the rural environment. This combines with the opportunistic generalist nature that characterises these species allowing them to take advantage of such resources. Consequentially, there are marked changes in behaviour with determined by the change in urban resource distribution. This has resulted in increased group size and co-operation in V.vulpes; alteration in flock size relating to daily opposed to seasonal resource fluctuations in C.livia; and larger more aggressive colonies of R.norgevicus. Peregrines also benefit from a constant food supply in the form of the anthopogenically supported pigeon population; an example of secondary succession of the urban environment. They exhibit opportunistic behaviour in both the species they hunt and their potential use of skyscrapers as hunting aids. The argument for a degree of behavioural plasticity allowing these species to take better advantage of such resources is well supported but questions are still to be answered on whether such changes are a result of natural selection or are phenotypic responses to changes in environment. Similar questions also arise when considering the effects the urban environment has on reproduction. Although the mechanisms differ, we see a pattern of increased fecundity across the case studies. Increase in fledgeling success in F.peregrinus is easily explained by ecological factors, but the change in peregrine clutch size and the increased growth and approach to sexual maturity in R.norgevicus are less easily determined. The identification of an allele in C.livia that extends the breeding season suggests a genetic cause in this instance. However, each case should be considered independently and these situations open up a multitude of questions in relation to whether cases of behavioural and physiological plasticity is related to the genotype or phenotype of an organism. There are surprising gaps in the literature and areas that appear to be poorly replicated. Reviews on urban rats comment on the lack of ecological understanding of R.norgevicus. From a utilitarian perspective this is counterintuitive considering the risk it poses ecologically, economically, and to public health. Conversely, the literature on urban foxes is both extensive and varied, perhaps denoting the popularity of this animal in the public mind. From a practical perspective this information is perhaps less useful although the cultural impact of urban wildlife should not be dismissed or undervalued. The projected increase of urbanisation highlights the importance of understanding both the traits of successful species and qualities of the environment that encourage vertebrate success. Such information can provide us with the means to better manage urban populations. In regards to pest species this could aid efforts to control and minimise their success, whilst better planning could attract not only current successful species but also edge species into the urban environment. References Ali, S., Rakha, B., Hussain, I., Nadeem, M.Vertebrate Success in the Urban Environment