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Discussion reply post

Discussion reply post. I’m working on a Communications question and need guidance to help me study.

“This is just a discussion reply”

As you think about your discussion issues this week, we would suggest that you consider these questions as you think about the material:

Is international violence ever justified?(international notinterpersonal violence or individual self-defense)
If so, under what conditions?
Are these Just War criteria that have developed over the last few centuries still the right criteria?
Is violence the best way to protect one’s nation/people?

Discussion reply post

Table of Contents Introduction Political Struggle and Social Processes Political Opportunities and Restrictions Outcomes of Contentious Politics Works Cited Introduction Contentious politics is a form of political activity, which is beyond institutional bounds. The process starts when different social groups form and demand changes through petitions, riots, protests, revolutions, and other extra-institutional activities. Many years ago, politicians viewed such activities as a dangerous threat to political order. Nowadays, it has become an essential part of civil society (Tilly 95). Besides, contentious politics is a form of political activity and participation that shapes the regime and molds its way. Generally, such politics emerges as a result of changes in political opportunities and restrictions, while the activists respond to various incentives, bother ideological and material. Tracing back the history, it is possible to find out the examples of contentious politics in countries with democratic and authoritarian regimes (Lust and Davis 164). However, the process is also vital during the transitional state within the country, as it may determine the direction of further development. With specific political opportunities, people with restricted resources can act sporadically. There are different forms of contentious politics, including social movements, cycles of contention, revolution, and others. When the actions of groups are based only on connective structures and social networks, the notion of social movement may be used. However, when such form of contention expands all around the society, it is possible to talk about a cycle of contention. The moment a cycle is united around several sovereignties, a revolution may burst out (Peterson 83). The solution to the problem depends mainly on connective structures, dense social networks, shared understanding, as well as the use of culturally accepted actions. The processes are more complicated when it comes to a specific, transition state of the country when one regime is being changed to another. The purpose of this paper is to discuss social reasons for the occurrence of contentious politics, its mechanisms, and processes, as well as an influence on the further relationship between social and governmental sectors. Political Struggle and Social Processes For many years, political scientists have been investigating the reasons, processes, and outcomes of contentious politics. The concept is known as a political opportunity structure that represents people who perceive themselves outside the limitations of formal institutions and seek legislative changes. Tilly (97), in his work, first started analyzing collective actions and mobilization of people that presupposed facilitation-repression by government and opportunity-threat to protesters. These notions are connected with mass opposition to the state. It is inevitable to analyze the movements only in combination with politics, paying attention to their structures, strategies, success and other dimensions in various states (Scott 195). Even though facilitation-repression and opportunity-threat were constituents of the original synthesis, the theorists of political processes paid more attention to opportunities (Nolan et al. 357). Through different studies, the idea of contentious politics was considered more as an opportunity provided by institutions to insurgent groups. Political Opportunities and Restrictions Political opportunities include the factors of political struggle, which stimulate people to participate in contentious politics. On the other hand, restrictions are factors that discourage contention. They may include repressions, or capacity of authorities to contradict to insurgents. In fact, there is no way to predict or prevent contentious politics, especially in a transitional state, as it may depend on political, historical, and other circumstances. Therefore, political opportunity structures are not always associated with invariant models triggering social movement, but rather a set of hints warning about the beginning of contentious politics. These are the clues for the time when the social movements may appear, which provide the authorities with an opportunity to start interacting with people to prevent opposition. The very concept of political opportunity is related to the external resources of the group. They may include not only power and money but also a common idea that unites disorganized and weak challengers. According to the views of scholars (Lust and Waldner 238), contentious politics appear the moment when usual people start responding to opportunities that decrease the value of collective action. Additionally, they highlight the most vulnerable points of the authorities, reveal allies and activate social identities. There are several most important factors that create excellent opportunities for citizens, and they include political cleavage and state structures (Novan 358). Considering transitional states, it is inevitable to mention that democracy encourages the emergence of such politics and leads mainly to the change of regime. However, authoritative government can also create a perfect background for the occurrence of social movements, as they tend to appear in response to repressions, either social or political. Constantly changing opportunities and restrictions lead to actors, who do not have enough resources to participate in contentious politics. The appearance of social movement out of contentious politics depends on the way people interact and work together, the common idea they have, and the strength for mobilizing structures. The main purpose of the issue is that people do not just act together or collectively, but they assemble and petition their demands in order to attract attention to their actions (Peterson 83). The idea of contentious politics is not planned by the organizers, but rather formulated within the society and communicated by participants. The movements of communities are expressions of knowledge about history, which help people to gain necessary attention to their problems. The leaders of social movements should adapt the most suitable forms of contention, which will be supported by society. People who are dissatisfied with regime, as well as the ones, who live in desperation, such risky campaigns may be beneficial. Forms of contentious politics are usually inherited being a combination of old ways with new meanings. Certain groups generally have specific memory and history which leads to the expression of particular forms of content. Based on the experience of other people, people create a unique prototype of a riot or protests, which will explain their demands, emphasize conflict and lead to further actions. Contentious politics in the most different forms are the most typical for transitional states, and they tend to show the attitude of the society towards the current regime. Get your 100% original paper on any topic done in as little as 3 hours Learn More Outcomes of Contentious Politics With the growing opportunities and more accessible information, ordinary people, together with activists start testing the limits of social control. Contradictions between authorities and people highlight the weak points of the government and the powers of challengers. Consequently, even timid social actors take one of the sides. Following the spread of political information, and growing of the uncertainty of people in the current state, the social movement sector rises and launches contentious politics (Tilly 96). The process is usually contagious, so, with the time, an increasing number of people get involved. The only way for the authorities to respond to the challengers is with repressions or reforms that may also be combined. When the ideas of the protesters are not satisfied, revolutions appear. The results of such movements may be drastic, leading to a complete change of the regime and constant struggle for power (Lust and Davis 149). While the primary purpose of contentious politics is to change the social life, it is inevitable to remember its influence on the political situation. Additionally, following the history of revolutions and riots, it is possible to enumerate two types of protesters’ efforts: to promote group goals and to guarantee personal development. There are numerous dimensions that contribute to the forms and degree of contentious politics and its prosperity. The level of democracy in a country plays a crucial role at this point, as it creates perfect backgrounds for peaceful contentions. Additionally, it promotes the organization of specific institutions that facilitate assembly, speech and other components. The democratic regime also guarantees the accessibility of mass media so that the political parties may operate beyond the electoral contests. The reason why contentious politics prosper in democratic and semi-democratic countries is hidden for several reasons. First of all, people find the political opportunity structures that may lead them into participation in political processes with other elites and actors within the state institutions. On the other hand, the authoritative regime suppresses and lacks such infrastructure of social movements. Depending on the cultures and histories of various regimes, it is possible to tell the difference between different types of contentious politics. When it comes to the transitional state of the country, this question becomes even more complicated. The outcomes of the contentious politics, at this point, depending on both, the desire or challengers to communicate their demands, and the willingness of the authorities to discuss and accept them. Historical and innovation accumulation is not based merely on claimants and their objectives, but it is usually the outcome of a long process of national and international policy. To summarize the concept of contentious politics in transition states, it is important to note that it appears simultaneously with the increase of political opportunities. Once people see the potential for an alliance between people and noticed the vulnerability of the regime and authorities, they are ready to start the politics. Contention transforms into a social movement the moment it engages connective structures and supportive citizens, who can sustain the contention with potential and powerful opponents (Dahl 59). By creating familiar forms of politics, the contention movement transforms into useful resources for changing the current regime. Cultural frames, repertoires and social networks bright people together, decrease the cost of collective actions, and inspire them to feel united. As a result, the challenges have a better understanding of the demands and power of their claims. Together, all these dimensions activate the dynamic and rapidly spreading process, which influences the establishment or change of the state, and leads to both political and social changes. Contentious politics may appear in both democratic and authoritative countries, but the process is the most dubious during the transition state. The ideas of politicians and scholars about the influence of the politics on the regime differ, but all of them agree that such processes are inevitable in society’s development. Knowing the reasons for the appearance of contentious politics, its processes, and mechanisms, it is easier to analyze its possible outcomes and impacts on the state of the country. Works Cited Dahl, Robert A. Politics, Economics, and Welfare. Routledge, 2017. We will write a custom Research Paper on Contentious Politics in Transitional States specifically for you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Lust, Ellen, and David Waldner. “Unwelcome Change: Understanding, Evaluating, and Extending Theories of Democratic Backsliding.” US Agency for International Development 11, vol. 1, no. 4, 2015, pp.146-165. Nolan, Laura‐Jane, and David Featherstone. “Contentious Politics in Austere Times.” Geography Compass, vol. 2, no. 45, 2015, pp. 58-64. Peterson, Abby. “Policing Contentious Politics At Transnational Summits: Darth Vader or the Keystone Cops?.” The Policing Of Transnational Protest. Routledge, 2016. Scott, Alan. New Critical Writings in Political Sociology: Volume Two: Conventional and Contentious Politics. Routledge, 2017. Tilly, Charles. “Contentious Performances.” Collective Violence, Contentious Politics, and Social Change, edited by Ernesto Castañeda and Cathy Lisa Schneider Routledge, 2017, pp. 37-63.
CGTC Organizational Behavior Ventriloquist & Talent Competitions Discussion.

I’m working on a business discussion question and need guidance to help me understand better.

Please respond to the following:Introduce yourself to your peers by sharing something unique about
your background. Explain how you expect this course will help you move
forward in your current or future career.Identify a company, describe an organizational challenge they face, and propose solutions to overcome that challenge.Be sure to respond to at least one of your classmates’ posts.Greetings!undefinedI
placed my bio in the My Professor Message forum for you to read, so I
will share a couple of unique things about myself with you in this
thread. I was a contestant on the game show, “Wheel of Fortune!” I got
to meet Pat Sajak and Vanna White and came in second place with lots of
cash and prizes. I was also on the ’80’s sitcom show, “Kate and Allie” a
talk show called “The Phil Donahue Show,” and also on an episode of
The Drew Carey Show!” I filmed a spot on a movie that has yet to be
released with Richard Brooks from the television show, “Law and Order,”
back in the ’80’s, as well, called “Tinted Windows!” undefinedAs
for the second part of this discussion question, think of it as a fun
exercise designed to get you used to identifying issues that
organizations must overcome. Examples of organizations facing major
challenges are Regal Cinemas and Cinemark Theaters. Regal Cinemas
elected to keep their theaters closed through 2020 and now plan to
reopen in May, while Cinemark Theaters proposed the idea of holding
private movie parties to generate revenue during 2020 and modified their
hours and days of operation. With regard to proposed solutions that
your selected company could implement to overcome their challenges, you
get to identify potential remedies to make them profitable once
again. Don’t be afraid to be creative!! Feel free to think outside of
the box!! undefined~Dr. Val
CGTC Organizational Behavior Ventriloquist & Talent Competitions Discussion

ECON 437 Binghamton University International Monetary Economics Problems

ECON 437 Binghamton University International Monetary Economics Problems.

1) Suppose Biwei works for one hour and produces a combination of apples and bananas. What is
the opportunity cost of one apple in term of bananas? Draw this PPF in a graph.
2) Suppose Biwei only works for one hour and produces a combination of apples and cherries. What
is the opportunity cost of one apple in term of cherries? Draw this PPF in a graph.
3) Suppose Biwei would like to consume a combination of (5a, 10b, 2c), what is the amount of time
he must sacrifice for this production bundle?
4) What is the opportunity cost of each good measured in term of time? Fill in the table above
5) Suppose the price of an apple Pa=$10, with a combination of (5a, 10b, 2c) produced, given the
opportunity cost of an apple in terms of bananas or cherries calculated in (1) and (2), what would
be the price of a banana and the price of a cherry? What is the total market value of this bundle?
6) Suppose next year Biwei’s productivity in apple increases to 12 units per hour while productivity
in banana and cherry remains the same, what is the new opportunity cost of an apple in terms of
bananas? And the new opportunity cost of an apple in terms of cherries?give me the answer use Microsoft Words
ECON 437 Binghamton University International Monetary Economics Problems

Internet and Children under the Age of 11 Expository Essay

essay help online free Table of Contents Introduction The peculiarities of children under the age of 11 Communication via the Internet Internet as an agent of socialization Exposure to controversial to images, videos, or texts Online bullying Conclusion Works Cited Introduction Internet can be a powerful tool for learning and sharing ideas and it can definitely contribute to the development of children and adolescents. Nevertheless, it can also expose them to violence, overt sexuality, or cruelty and its impact is not always beneficial. This paper is aimed at discussing the influence of Internet on children under the age of 11. In particular, one should speak about the influence of online technologies in the way in which they communicate with one another. It is also important to examine the impact of Internet on their values and their understanding of behavioral norms. Overall, it is possible to argue that the abuse of Internet can impair their communicative skills and distort their views on social relations and values. Moreover, this technology can expose users to various controversial images, videos or texts and a child, who has not reached the age of 11, may not be able to interpret them. Thus, parents and educators should carefully monitor children’s use of internet that must not become the main agent of socialization. This is the main argument that should be discussed. The peculiarities of children under the age of 11 In order to understand the influence of Internet on children, one should first discuss the peculiarities of this age group. First of all, at this stage of their development they only try to understand the rules that govern social relations and the way in which a person should interact with others (Martin

Herodotus’ Discussion of the Scythians Essay

Herodotus’ Discussion of the Scythians Essay. Herodotus is known as the author of The Histories of Herodotus which is discussed as one of the most influential historical work in the Western culture because of the historian’s focus on describing the cultures of Greece, Asia, and Northern Africa in detail. The book, written in the period of the 450s-420s BC presents many records on the aspects of the people’s cultures, traditions, and politics. The Histories of Herodotus consists of nine books, and Book IV known as Melpomene presents the consistent history of the Scythians of the Black Sea region. To understand whether Herodotus provides the reliable considerations about the aspects of the Scythians life and society, it is necessary to analyze the narrative of Herodotus with references to the discussion of the archaeological evidence and artifacts mentioned in the catalog From the Lands of the Scythians (Piotrovsky 1-12). Although Herodotus describes the Scythians’ traditions and the daily life in detail and many descriptions are supported with the found artifacts, there are also many statements in Book IV which cannot be supported with the help of the known archaeological data. Thus, the narrative provided by Herodotus can be discussed as only relatively accurate because describing the certain aspects of the Scythians’ life, Herodotus can exaggerate or generalize his observations and conclusions. The idea of the relative accuracy means that Herodotus focuses on many aspects of the Scythians’ life, which are supported with the archaeological data. Discussing the way of the Scythians’ life in Chapter 46 of Book IV, Herodotus notes that the Scythians had no cities and forts, and they carried their dwellings with them “wherever they go”; they were also accustomed “to shoot from horseback; and living not by husbandry but on their cattle, their wagons the only houses that they possess, how can they fail of being unconquerable, and unassailable even?” (“Herodotus: On the Scythians” 134). The mentioned details are supported with the artifacts found in the Scythians’ lands. Thus, the models of the wagons support the idea that the Scythians were the nomadic tribe and chose the portable household items. Furthermore, the decoration of the found metalwork and combs present the scenes of fighting on horseback and shooting from horseback. In addition, the items of the metalwork and jewelry found in the catalog From the Lands of the Scythians also illustrate the use of cattle. The Scythians’ dependence on livestock is reflected in the decoration in many jewelry items such as necklaces (Rubinson 17-18). Intending to describe the way of the Scythians’ life, Herodotus provides the information which is rather accurate because it is supported with the found artifacts. However, the historian focuses mainly on generalizations because of paying much attention to the nomadic Scythians without referring to the Scythian settlements. Herodotus is inclined to discuss only those Scythians who transported their dwellings and went from place to place. Nevertheless, there were also the Scythians who built settlements, and rich kurgans associated with the life of these Scythians are found near the Dnieper (“Early Cultures of the Lands of the Scythians” 20). Many items of the metalwork and household items are found in this region, and their examples are listed in From the Lands of the Scythians. In Chapter 71 of Book IV, Herodotus mentions the burial traditions of the Scythians and lists the objects buried with the king of the Scythians. Herodotus mentions that the Scythians buried one of the king’s concubines, “first killing her by strangling, and also his cup-bearer, his cook, his groom, his lackey, his messenger, some of his horses, firstlings of all his other possessions, and some golden cups; for they use neither silver nor brass” (“Herodotus: On the Scythians” 138). Many mentioned items are found in the tombs of the Scythians’ king, but Herodotus is inclined to make rather general conclusions while stating that the Scythians’ kings “use neither silver nor brass” because there are silver items found in the kings’ kurgans (“Herodotus: On the Scythians” 138). Herodotus also refers to different elements of the metalwork and arms used by the Scythians, and these items are found and presented as the Scythians’ treasures. Thus, while focusing on the objects known as the artifacts of the Scythians’ culture, it is possible to conclude that Herodotus’ discussions and descriptions are rather accurate. On the other hand, there are many generalizations and exaggerations in Herodotus’ conclusions which prevent the researchers from making the concrete statements. While referring to listing the items used in the burial ceremonies, Herodotus presents the factual information supported with the extensive archaeological data. Nevertheless, there are many questions regarding the description of the burial rituals which cannot be supported with the evidence. It is important to note that Herodotus presents a lot of facts in his book which is not supported with the archaeological data, and there are no objects presented in the catalog From the Lands of the Scythians which can be mentioned to support the ideas proposed by Herodotus. For instance, in Chapter 2 of Book IV, Herodotus mentions “now the Scythians blind all their slaves, to use them in preparing their milk” (“Herodotus: On the Scythians” 129). However, there are no scenes used in the decoration of the metalwork, decoration of the tombs or decoration of ceramics to represent this fact. Furthermore, Herodotus also pays attention to the ceremony of the blood oath in Chapter 70 of Book IV, but there are no artifacts or other archaeological data to support these ideas presented by the author of The Histories. The researchers state that Herodotus is inclined to focus on emotional descriptions of the Scythians’ life and society influenced by the hearsay and second-hand information received by the historian from Greeks. That is why it is rational to concentrate only on the information which is supported by the archaeological data. The catalog From the Lands of the Scythians includes the extensive pictorial material representing the aspects of the Scythians’ life, culture, and society. Thus, the catalog provides the images of a lot of artifacts found in the Scythians’ lands. While focusing on these artifacts, it is possible to compare the archaeological data with the facts presented in The Histories of Herodotus in relation to the nature of the Scythians life and society. In spite of the fact that many descriptions presented by Herodotus in his work are not supported with the archaeological data, certain artifacts mentioned in the catalog From the Lands of the Scythians can be discussed as supporting Herodotus’ descriptions and conclusions. That is why Herodotus’ narrative can be considered as supported by the archaeological data because there are few elements which are discussed as contradicting the historian’s conclusions. Thus, Herodotus’ description of the Scythians life and society should be discussed by the researchers and specialists as relatively accurate. Works Cited Early Cultures of the Lands of the Scythians. Web. Herodotus: On the Scythians. Web. Piotrovsky, Boris. From the Lands of the Scythians: Ancient Treasures from Museums of U.S.S.R., 3000-100 B.C. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1976. Print. Rubinson, Karen. “Herodotus and the Scythians”. Expedition 17.4 (1975):16-25. Print. Herodotus’ Discussion of the Scythians Essay

Management Of Urban Green Spaces Environmental Sciences Essay

In recent decades there has been an increase in urbanisation and urban sprawl, which has resulted in a decline of green spaces, especially in urban areas. Urban green spaces include parks, play areas, areas specifically intended for recreational use, private gardens, and urban woodlands. More generally, they are areas of land that consist of permeable surfaces such as grass, trees and soil (Dunnett et al 2002). Increasing urbanisation contributes towards a degradation of the natural environment, as developments are overtaking rural areas at an increasingly rapid rate. Furthermore, this will have an impact on climate change, as less green space increases the effects of global warming, and other environmental issues, such as a higher risk of flooding due to lack of green space. This causes social problems as less green space creates health problems. This leads to economic problems, for instance, it is expensive to recover from disasters such as flooding. Therefore careful and sustainable management of urban green spaces is especially important for social, environmental and economic reasons. The aim of the following essay is to discuss critically the environmental, economic and social aspects of managing urban green spaces. In order to achieve this aim the essay will be split into three main sections. Section one will look at the characteristics of the environmental problem and who is affected by them, linking this into how environmental problems create economic problems. Section two will look at what is and what could be done to address these problems, such as new forms of green spaces. It will also look at the economic aspects of these courses of action and the economic valuation of urban green spaces. It will argue that making a city ‘greener’ can increase its economic performance, and lead to sustainable economic growth. However, the final part of the essay will challenge this, arguing that creating urban green spaces may not be the best solution for economic sustainability. Finally, the conclusions reached are that there needs to be a well managed balance of ‘green’ and built areas in cities for sustained economic growth. Market failures in the urban land market “Today we realise that we must protect networks of open space” (Benedict and McMahon 2002:3). Regarding natural resource use, market forces determine the choices people make. However, resources such as urban green spaces do not have securely enforced or defined property rights which cause a lack of markets. Therefore, environmental resources cannot be directly traded in an open market, which leads to externality problems. Thus, due to market failures the full costs of urbanisation are not represented in the private costs (Panayotou 2000). The structure of the market means the private costs of using environmental resources, such green spaces, is zero (Gwartney et al 2000). Therefore producers have no incentive to protect environmental resources (Cropper and Griffiths 1994). To illustrate this problem of environmental externalities Pigou (2009) used the example of a company who builds a factory in a residential area and thus destroys some of the amenities of the neighbouring sites. The result is that the company sells its products at a lower price than the full costs felt by the society. Consequently, as a result of these market failures there has been a rapid increase of urbanisation and urban sprawl without efficient land-use planning, and conservation of green spaces. Nationally, urban areas consist of approximately 14% green space (Comber et al 2008). However, the United Nations in 2001 estimated that in Europe the level of urbanisation will increase to almost 80% by 2015, which will result in a further loss of urban green spaces (cited in Tzoulasa et al 2007). Environmental amenities are usually ignored by urban planners, resulting in a shrinking of urban green spaces as they have gradually been taken over by urban development (Kong et al 2007). This level of urban growth presents challenges for tackling environmental issues such as climate change and biodiversity (Tzoulasa et al 2007). Less green space increases the effects of global warming, which is especially important in cities where the mean pollution levels are higher. Urbanisation replaces green spaces with impermeable built surfaces which causes negative environmental effects as green spaces provide rainwater interception and infiltration, evaporative cooling and shading functions (Gill et al 2007). Furthermore, urban areas can be up to 7°c hotter than the surrounding countryside (Hilliam 2010). The concentration of buildings and paved surfaces creates higher temperatures, which is known as the ‘heat island effect’ (Dunnett et al 2002). Furthermore, built environments restrict wind flow which in turn restricts the dispersal of pollutants, resulting in even higher air-pollution levels (Morancho 2003). It is important to tackle these issues as in 2003, during the European summer heat wave, 35,000 lives were lost (Gill et al 2007). Moreover, tackling environmental issues in urban areas is increasingly important as in 2001 “nearly eight of every ten people in the United Kingdom lived in urban areas” (Pointer 2005:46). Consequently, a higher population and an increase of built surfaces, means urban areas are where climate change impacts will be mostly felt (Gill et al 2007). This also has economic impacts as a lack of green space can increase the costs of public infrastructure and services such as, flood control and storm water management (Goode 2006). Furthermore, a lack of green spaces was often seen to be the main motive for people leaving the city, as they moved to the urban fringe for more green space (Van-Herzele and Wiedemann 2003). The result is economic decline as people move out of urban areas, which creates lower property values, attracting less wealthy people. This makes it hard to secure investment or attract and retain business in the area. A lack of green space also has negative impacts on tourism as fewer people will want to visit the area (Crompton 2001). Furthermore, a lack of green space creates health issues which are costly for the economy as an unhealthy society increases the costs of health care to UK tax payers (Mell 2008). There is a shortage of green space for example; in Greater Manchester the proportion of tree cover is fairly low, with an average of 12% cover, and 16% in ‘urbanised’ Greater Manchester (Gill et al 2007). The next part of the essay will discuss how to tackle these environmental and economic problems. Solution to the problem Urban green spaces have many benefits which can be divided into market benefits and non-market benefits. Non-market benefits fall into three categories: use, option and existence value. Option value occurs when the future benefits are uncertain and depletion of the resource is irreversible. Existence value refers to the knowing the resource exists, and use value is from the direct use of the resource. Total value is the sum of all three. Thus, urban green spaces have existence value, and direct use value, such as recreational use. Furthermore, urban green spaces create consumer surplus, as the cost of using urban green spaces is usually free (Goodstein 2010). These benefits highlight the need to protect urban green spaces. Moreover, the issues discussed above further raise the need for protection and allocation of urban green spaces. In 2004-2005 local authorities in the UK spent an estimated £700 million on renovating and maintaining urban green spaces (Comber et al 2008). Furthermore, London’s draft Climate Change Adaptation Strategy in 2010 (online), proposes that there is a need to increase the city’s green spaces by creating small parks, which will help to absorb rain on wet days and cool the city on hot days (Bulkeley and Betsill 2003). Urban green spaces can also help to reduce pollution and act as sinks for carbon dioxide which is a major contributor to global warming (Dunnett et al 2002). In cities, gardens and parks absorb carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, which mainly come from private vehicles (Morancho 2003). Vegetation reduces air pollution by absorbing pollutants in the air, and by intercepting particulate matter. Hence the pollution of a car driven 60 miles per day can be offset by only 20 trees. Green spaces also reduce the urban heat island effect by shading heat absorbing surfaces and through evapotranspirational (ET) cooling. Evidence has shown vegetation can lower wall surface temperatures by up to 17°C (McPherson 1994). This will ensure economic sustainability as less money will be needed to recover from natural disasters and climate change impacts. Thus, green spaces are multifunctional, as regenerating a park may increase tourism and reduce pollution levels (Hilliam 2010, Goode 2006). In a congested environment, existence of greenery within residential zones will improve air quality. This creates social benefits from direct use such as recreation and health benefits as a higher proportion of green space and less air pollution is associated with better population health (Popham and Mitchel 2007). This results in economic sustainability as healthier communities work longer hours, take less sick days and cost less money in health benefits (Goode 2006). Bird (2004 cited in Tzoulasa et al 2007) found that if people live closer to green space then they are more likely to undertake physical activity, which would save the UK’s National Health Service up to £1.8million a year. Moreover, inactivity in children often results in inactive adults, which costs the economy approximately £8.2billion (Tzoulasa et al 2007). Therefore, protecting and creating green spaces ensures there is economic sustainability through a healthier society (Amati and Taylor 2010). Urban green spaces can act as catalysts for wider economic benefits, such as increases in property prices, attracting and retaining businesses and attracting tourists to urban areas. This is a key part of the solution for economic growth as urban green spaces makes cities more desirable and this can result in local economic stimulation (Dunnett et al 2002). Green amenities attract the highly skilled, who pursue a higher standard of living and quality of life, Florida (2002) describes how green spaces can attract “creative class” workers and the businesses that hire them. Employers locate in areas where the skilled want to live and this further attracts skilled workers, high-end restaurants and retail stores. Therefore, urban green spaces can raise a city’s economic growth. Cities with more skilled workers experience an increase in population, house price and wages. Additionally, people who are highly educated will also be more likely to support investments for environmental protection and are usually willing to pay higher prices for environmental quality. Furthermore, a greener city will also have an insurance against recessions as the city remains attractive and people still want to live there. This will pull other industries into the area over time. Therefore, it is important to protect existing urban green spaces. London’s Green Belt is an example of an attempt to reduce development in order to improve the environment by restricting housing supply (Kahn 2006). The Mayor of London has also set targets to plant 10,000 more street trees by 2012, and enhance up to 1,000 hectares of green space (Environmental Agency 2010). This will help to build a good reputation of the area, which enables the community to grow economically, without damaging the environment, and simultaneously creating a desirable place to live for present and future generations (Benedict and McMahon 2002). Additionally, new methods, such as green roofs have been developed to increase green space in urban areas. Green roofs are the roof of a building that is covered by vegetation, the most common being turf roofs. They have several purposes which are similar to urban green space in general such as cooling the heat island effect and absorbing rainwater. They also provide insulation and create habitats for wildlife. The benefits can therefore be divided into private and public benefits. Private economic benefits include saving energy cost and an increase in roof life. Public benefits include storm-water management (Dunnett and Kingsbury 2004). Green roofs are particularly useful in cities that are dense with large populations such as London or Tokyo. London now has a green roof policy and other cities and areas in the UK are developing similar approaches to developing green roofs. However, currently there is only one green roof in Manchester; therefore there is a need to create more green spaces in the form of green roofs (Carter and Fowler 2008). These trends raise the need for green space protection and allocation, which in turn requires estimation of the value of green spaces (Kong et al 2007). Due to their lack of values expressed in monetary terms, green spaces are often not considered in cost-benefit analyses of urban planning policies. Furthermore, it is the failure of the market system, as discussed above, which creates the need for economic measures to value environmental services and guide policymaking (Freeman 1993). Several methods have been developed to value non-market amenities such as the travel cost method, the contingent valuation method (CVM) and the hedonic pricing models. The hedonic pricing method uses house prices to quantify environmental amenities by how much consumers are willing to pay. The hedonic pricing model is a revealed preference method and is based actual behaviour in the market. Properties have many characteristics which reflect the selling prices such as housing structure, neighbourhood and environmental amenities. The monetary value of each characteristic is calculated by observing the differences in the market price of housing sharing the same attributes. Once all the characteristics are collected the next step is to measure the portion of the property price for each characteristic (Boyle and Kiel 2001). By using the hedonic pricing method the value of green spaces can be estimated from actual behaviour in the market (Kong et al 2007). Hedonic valuation can also be applied to retail situations as “people are willing to pay about ten percent more for products in greener shopping areas” (Miller and Wise 2004:90). The value of urban green spaces can also be an important factor for affecting property prices. There is evidence which suggests urban green spaces can have a positive impact on house prices. There is usually a shortage of land in urban areas, and therefore proximity to urban green spaces has a positive impact on property values, while proximity to negative impacts such as highways reduces property values, as it is desirable to live close to a park, especially in city centres where demand for land is high (Tajima 2003). The demand for a property increases which raises the price of those properties. Numerous studies have shown that property values are typically 8-20 percent more expensive if they are located near a park (Crompton 2000). Therefore, in dense urban areas the value of nearby parks and green space can be one of the key selling points and a stronger feature than lot itself (Tajima 2003). Furthermore, Morancho (2003) found in Spain that for every 100m further away from a green area there was a drop of approximately €1800 in the housing price. Therefore, to reduce the impact of urbanisation, and to ensure economic growth, allocation of new and protection of existing urban green spaces is required (Kong et al 2007). However, the value open space is contextual as it rises with increased income. Open space is considered a ‘luxury’ good, as demand for open space increases as income rises. Hence, the willingness to pay for environmental quality is highly elastic with respect to income (Anderson and West 2006). Urban green spaces in isolation will not increase economic growth However, not all green spaces are equally beneficial. To ensure that urban green spaces enhance economic growth, they must be well maintained, safe and secure. In recent decades there has been a decline in the quality of urban green spaces in England. This can be linked to the declining budgets for local authorities over the past 20 to 25 years (Dunnett et al 2002). This has a negative economic effect as green spaces that are dangerous or unmanaged are likely to decrease the value of nearby homes, which would lead to economic decline (Crompton 2001). Furthermore, if green spaces are perceived to be overgrown or unmanaged this may have a negative effect on people’s well-being by increasing anxiety caused by fear of crime (Tzoulasa et al 2007). Research shows that open spaces which are most highly valued are those which enhance the qualities of urban life and offer a variety of opportunities (Burgess et al 1988). If there is a lack of facilities or the area is in poor condition then people are less likely to use it. Furthermore, lower-income suburban areas usually have a larger proportion of poor-quality green space. Thus, even if green spaces are in large quantities, but are of poor quality then economic and health benefits are not felt by the population (Popham and Mitchel 2007). Additionally, if green spaces are poorly managed so that they become inaccessible, then less people will use them, especially the elderly or people with disabilities. Therefore, quality as well as quantity of green space is a key factor. Moreover, McConnell and Walls (2005) argue for the importance of distinguishing between different types of open space. The value of green spaces depends on its usage for example, whether it is a well managed park or an open field. Barker (2003) also reported that the value of open space depends strongly on its location and use, for instance, green space in the urban core was valued higher than greenbelt land. Anderson and West (2006:782) show that the value of open space depends on the type of open space, how far away it from the house and the neighbourhood characteristics. They found that “sales price rises with proximity to the nearest golf course and falls the closer a home is to the nearest cemetery”. Furthermore, the net result of restricting housing supply is that prices are driven up. This results in poverty magnets in areas with low property prices, resulting in a segregation of the poor and urban social problems. For example, Glasgow has lost population over time, and relative poverty has grown. Therefore, London’s pursuit to a greener city could further increase house prices and it could be argued that a city can become ‘too green’ when economic growth is damaged. An upward pressure on house prices could have a negative impact on some residents and first time buyers as it would squeeze out the poorer renters and new immigrants (Kahn 2006). The result of this limited supply would not lead to economic sustainability as it would limit economic growth. Therefore, green spaces will not necessarily lead to a sustained economic growth nationally, but only benefits certain regions (Kahn 2006). It is often the wealthier people who benefit most, as studies have shown that vegetation and tree cover is lower in residential areas with higher levels of socioeconomic deprivation. Therefore only certain areas benefit as less wealthy areas might not be able to afford to maintain new green spaces (Pauleit et al 2005). Additionally, an increased economic wealth will also increase the values of losses; making the cost to restore damages after a disaster much greater (Shaw et al 2007). Furthermore, conserving green spaces may restrict the supply of valued goods, such as housing, shops, offices or private open space, resulting in economic decline. This results in distributional effects as those landowners who can build get an increase in their asset value, whereas those unable to develop will experience a reduction in asset values. Part of the market failure associated with urbanisation is the increase in land prices imposed on existing inhabitants by additional workers. Furthermore, policies of containment, such as greenbelts, may increase energy use as commuters move out beyond the greenbelt which results in longer commuter journeys. Therefore, it could be argued that policy in the UK restricts urban growth which leads to higher costs and welfare losses. Hence land regulation can have adverse economic effects as it diverts resources from other growth activities. Therefore the solution maybe not regulating land markets but regulating or taxing energy markets (Cheshire 2009). Conclusion To conclude, this essay has highlighted the environmental problem of urbanisation, explaining how this is a result of market failures. It has also shown how this can lead to economic problems. This essay then goes on to argue that a solution would be preserving, maintaining and developing new green spaces in urban areas. It goes on to explain the environmental, social and economic benefits of urban green spaces. It also highlights the hedonic pricing method, which shows how urban green spaces can be valued. It also argues that green spaces create economic benefits by increasing property values. However, the latter part of the essay challenges this, arguing that not all green spaces is equally beneficial. It also argues that preserving green spaces could also have a negative impact as the cost of land increases further, resulting in large increase in house prices. Therefore, it is important to maintain urban green spaces for the many environmental, economic and social benefits. However, this cannot be in isolation as for green spaces to be beneficial they must be well maintained and managed. Furthermore if too much green space is protected then this could have negative impacts overall. Therefore, urban land policies need to ensure green space is well managed in order to achieve the maximum benefits. Furthermore, methods other than land protections could also be used, such as taxing energy use. 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