In the end, Douglas won reelection, but Lincoln made a name for himself as a political candidate who carried himself well and who was quick-witted while vague about his political convictions. This was just the individual the Republican Party needed for its 1860 presidential campaign. In many ways, Lincoln was a thoroughly modern candidate.While we were at Freeport, in one Of these joint discussions, I answered certain interrogatories which Judge Douglas had propounded to me, and then in turn propounded some to him, which he in a sort of way answered. The third one of these interrogatories I have with me, and wish now to make some comments upon it.
It was in these words: ‘I If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that States cannot exclude slavery from their limits, re you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting, and following such decision as a rule of political action? .. In the second clause of the sixth article, believe it is, of the Constitution of the United States, we find the following language: “This Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, and the authority of the Elicited States, shall be the supreme law of the land and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary, notwithstanding. ” The essence of the DriedScott case is compressed into the sentence which I will now read: “Now, as we have already said in an earlier part of this opinion, upon a different point, the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. ” repeat it “The right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. ” What is it to be “affirmed” in the Constitution? Made firm in the Constitution,-so made that it cannot be separated from the Constitution without breaking the Constitution; durable as the Constitution and part of the Constitution.Now, remembering the revision of the Constitution which I have read; affirming that that instrument is the supreme law of the land; that the Judges of every State shall be bound by it, any law or constitution of any State to the contrary notwithstanding that the right of property in a slave is affirmed in that Constitution, is made, formed into, and cannot be separated from it without breaking it; durable as the instrument; part of the instrument;-what follows as a short and even syllogistic argument from it?It think it follows, and I submit to the consideration of men capable of arguing, whether as I state it, in syllogistic arm, the argument has any fault in it? Nothing in the Constitution or laws of any State can destroy a right distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution of the United States.
The right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution of the United States. Therefore, nothing in the Constitution or laws of any State can destroy the right of property in a slave.I believe that no fault can be pointed out in that argument; assuming the truth of the premises, the conclusion, so far as have capacity at all to understand it, follows inevitably. There is a fault in it as I think, but the fault is not in the reasoning: the falsehood in fact is a fault in the premises. I believe that the right of property in a slave is not distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution, and Judge Douglas thinks it is. Live that the Supreme Court and the advocates of that decision may search in vain for the place in the Constitution where the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed. I say, therefore, that I think one of the premises is not true in fact.
But it is true with Judge Douglas. It is true with the Supreme Court who pronounced it. They are stopped from denying it, and being stopped from denying it the conclusion follows that, the Constitution of the United States being the supreme law, no constitution or law can interfere with it.It being affirmed in the decision that the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution, the conclusion inevitably follows that no State law or constitution can destroy that right. I then say to Judge Douglas and to all others, that I think it will take a better answer than a sneer to show that those who have said that the right of reporter in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution, are not prepared to show that no constitution or law can destroy that right. Ay I believe it will take a far better argument than a mere sneer to show to the minds of intelligent men that whoever has so said, is not prepared, whenever public sentiment is so far advanced as to justify it, to say the other. This is but an opinion, and the opinion Of one very humble man; but it is my opinion that the Dried Scott decision, as it is, never would have been made in its present form if the party that made it had not been sustained previously by the elections.
My own opinion is, that the new Dried Scott decision, deciding against the right of the people of the States to exclude slavery will never be made, if that party is not sustained by the elections. I believe, further, that it is just as sure to be made as to-morrow is to come, if that party shall be sustained. Have said, upon a former occasion, and I repeat it now, that the course of argument that Judge Douglas makes use of upon this subject (l charge not his motives in this), is preparing the public mind for that new Dried Scott decision….In this I think I argue fairly (without questioning motives at al) adjudged Douglas is most ingeniously and powerfully preparing the public mind to take that decision when it comes; and not only so, but he is doing it in various other ways.
In these general maxims about liberty, in his assertions that he “don’t care whether slavery is voted up or voted down;” that “whoever wants slavery has a right to have it;” that “there is no inconsistency between free and slave institutions. ” In this he is also preparing (whether purposely or not) the way for making the institution of slavery national!I repeat again, for I wish no misunderstanding, that I do not charge hat he means it so; but I call upon your minds to inquire, if you were going to get the best instrument you could, and then set it to work in the most ingenious way, to prepare the public mind for this movement, operating in the Free States, where there is now an abhorrence of the institution of slavery, could you find an instrument so capable of doing it as Judge Douglas, or one employed in so apt a way to do it?And I do think-I repeat, though said it on a former occasion-that Judge Douglas and whoever, like him, teaches that the negro has no share, humble though it may be, in theDeclaration of Independence, is going back to the era of our liberty and independence, and, so far as in him lies, muzzling the cannon that thunders its annual joyous return; that he is blowing out the moral rights around us, when he contends that whoever wants slaves has a right to hold them; that he is penetrating, so far as lies in his power, the human soul, and eradicating the light of reason and the love of liberty, when he is in every possible way preparing the public mind, by his vast influence, for making the institution of slavery perpetual and national….It is, therefore, as think, a very important question for the consideration of the American people, whether the policy of bringing in additional territory, without considering at all how it will operate upon the safety of the Union in reference to this one great disturbing element in our national politics, shall be adopted as the policy of the country.You will bear in mind that it is to be acquired, according to the Judge’s view, as fast as it is needed, and the indefinite part of this proposition is that we have only Judge Douglas and his class of men to decide how fast territory is needed.
We eve no clear and certain way of determining or demonstrating how fast territory is needed by the necessities of the country. Whoever wants to go out filibustering, then, thinks that more territory is needed.Whoever wants wider slave-fields, feels sure that some additional territory is needed as slave- territory. Then it is as easy to show the necessity of additional slave-territory as it is to assert anything that is incapable of absolute demonstration. Whatever motive a man or a set of men may have for making annexation of property or territory it is very easy to assert, but much less easy to disprove, hat it is necessary for the wants of the country.And now it only remains for me to say that I think it is a very grave question for the people of this Union to consider, whether, in view of the fact that this slavery question has been the only one that has ever endangered our Republican institutions, the only one that has ever threatened or menaced a dissolution of the Union, that has ever disturbed us in such a way as to make us fear for the perpetuity of our liberty,-in view Of these facts, I think it is an exceedingly interesting and important question for this people to consider whether we shall engage in the logic of acquiring additional territory, discarding altogether from our consideration, while obtaining new territory, the question how it may affect us in regard to this, the only endangering element to our liberties and national greatness. Document Analysis 1 .
What connection between westward expansion and slavery did Lincoln make? According to Lincoln, In what order should these questions be resolved? 2. How did Lincoln contrast his views on the constitutionality of slavery with those of Douglas? 3.What were Lincoln feelings regarding the Dried Scott ruling? He makes it known that they are both about moving forward. That they are about moving on to a new age. They should be resolved by the people through the constitution. “The right of property in a slave is not distinctly and expressly affirmed in the constitution. ” He also said that there is a difference between wanting slavery, and being prejudice.
Because there were plenty of slave owners that were friendly, and excepting towards there slaves, the slaves were more than just workers. Whitish is but an opinion, and the opinion of one very humble man; but it is my opinion that sustained. “
WHITE PRIVILEGE AND COLORISM 4 Running Head: WHITE PRIVILEGE AND COLORISM 1
WHITE PRIVILEGE AND COLORISM 4
Running Head: WHITE PRIVILEGE AND COLORISM 1
White Privilege and Colorism
White Privilege and Colorism
Since humans are physically observed and cannot be masked, they are bound by their skin colour. People of diverse races, such as Blacks, Whites, Asians, Latinos, among others, make up American culture. In the meanwhile, each individual is assessed based on their skin colour. Whiteness and luxury are not synonymous. According to Dixon & Telles (2019), white privilege is a type of prejudice that offers white people privileges based on structural attitudes to knowledge, values, and perceptions. Improved schools, clinics, recreation centers, and homes are among the benefits.
Those rights can vary depending on one’s social status. One example of these advantages is that a white person should have better accommodations when traveling to a different city, or that white Americans should be properly trained in other races when they are relocated from their current employment. Colorism, on the other hand, refers to bigotry based solely on a person’s skin color. The definition of colorism and its roots began during American slavery, and blacks bored children of diverse ancestries. Increased skin tones were the result (Vijaya, 2019). As a result, white slaves were given privileges, such as the right to education and some modes of development, and slave owners were granted other freedoms.
The difference between white privilege and colorism is that whites enjoy white privilege’s privileges and rewards, while colorism is the belief that a group of individuals of the same skin color, whether social, political, or economic, are true for themselves. White privilege and colorfulness are publics and individuals, respectively, and they pose a threat to many countries, all of which face difficulties in ensuring equality between peoples of different nationalities. They are a challenge in a lot of countries.
Colorism has been a struggle in many countries, and light-skinned African Americans have traditionally been viewed differently than dark-skinned African Americans in American culture. This is evident as black people are denied the opportunity to study for white people while having all of the necessary qualifications, and white people pick their candidates during elections. Furthermore, as opposed to whites, Blacks are punished for longer prison terms and earn less money when working (Keyes, et al., 2020).
There is no question that colorism and white privilege are particularly dangerous. They must be avoided and eradicated at all times because they breed hate in our culture. Colorism and white privilege have had a devastating impact on our world. Any continent that engages in them should combat prejudice in its various forms. If we go beyond favoritism and consider each other as one, the world would be a happier place regardless of skin colour.
Dixon, A. R., & Telles, E. E. (2017). Skin color and colorism: Global research, concepts, and measurement. Annual Review of Sociology, 43, 405-424.
Keyes, L., Crutchfield, J., & Tonui, B. C. (2020). Using qualitative interpretive meta-synthesis to explore colorist privilege. Journal of African American Studies, 24(1), 37-55.